Seek and You Shall Find! | A.Dub. vs the Bible

iii.  Relating to the Father (7:7–11)

7 “Ask, and it will be given to you. Seek, and you will find. Knock, and the door will be opened to you. 8 For everyone who asks receives, and the one who seeks finds, and to the one who knocks, the door [gate] will be opened. 9 Who among you, if his son asks him for bread, will give him a stone? 10 Or if he asks for a fish, will give him a snake? 11 If you then, who are evil, know how to give good gifts to your children, how much more will your Father in heaven give good things to those who ask him.”

Context

Although most commentators see no connection between this section and the preceding one, these verses are closely related to 7:6. Matthew 7:6 describes the disciple’s calculated response to those who despise the gospel of the kingdom. Matthew 7:7–11 shows the heavenly Father’s gracious response to those who long to enter the kingdom. These verses have a close relationship to 7:13–23 since both sections focus on how one enters the kingdom.

Exegesis

Readers often assume that 7:7–11 is a blanket promise concerning prayer in general. However, the explicit connections between this passage and other portions of the Sermon demonstrate that Jesus’s focus here (as in 7:13–23) is specifically salvation, being permitted to enter the kingdom of heaven. “Ask,” “seek,” and “knock” were terms used as metaphors for prayer.149 “Ask” evidently refers to asking for “good things” since 7:11 promises that the heavenly Father will give good things to those who ask him. These good things do not refer to mere staples such as bread and fish (7:9–10), but to those things that the Father views as good, those things deemed most important in the Sermon. The Sermon has emphasized that the kingdom and the righteousness required to enter it matter more than food, drink, and clothing (6:33) and that the disciple should value these things above all else. Luke 11:13 interprets these “good things” as including a reference to the Holy Spirit. A reference to the kingdom and its righteousness in Matthew is fully compatible with Luke’s interpretation since the Holy Spirit produces the righteousness that is required for entering the kingdom. Those who ask for spiritual blessings will receive them.

“Seek” specifically recalls Matt 6:33: “Seek first the kingdom of God and his righteousness.” Thus, in the context of the Sermon, the command “seek” means to seek the kingdom and the righteousness required to enter it. Jesus promises that those who seek the kingdom and righteousness will find what they are looking for. God will grant them the righteousness that they crave, and they will be permitted to enter the kingdom on judgment day.

The command “knock” also has an important link in the Sermon. Matthew 7:13–14 refers to a narrow gate through which one enters eschatological life and contrasts this with a wide gate by which one enters eternal destruction. In first-century Palestine, a person normally approached a gate, knocked upon it to announce arrival and request entrance, and the gate would be unlocked and opened from within (Acts 12:13). Thus “knock” means “knock on the narrow gate that leads to life,” and “it will be opened”150 means that God will permit the one who offers this prayer to enjoy eschatological life.

God assures those who pray that he will grant them the blessings of righteousness, life, and kingdom entrance because of his gracious character. Jesus pointed out that human fathers generally do not give their children something harmful when they have asked for something beneficial. The small loaves of bread that were part of the daily diet of first-century Palestinian Jews might resemble the stones scattered across the terrain (Matt 4:3), but a loving father would not dare substitute a stone for a loaf when his child was hungry. The fish consumed by Jesus’s disciples might look something like snakes since both had scales and propelled themselves with a winding movement, but a loving father would never substitute a “detestable animal” (Lev 11:42; Gen 3:14) for a clean one when his child needed food. If depraved human fathers were generous enough to give good things to their children, how much more could Jesus’s disciples expect the heavenly Father to be generous. He has no trace of the selfishness that characterizes fallen humanity.

Bridge

The theme that God is a loving parent who desires to meet the needs of his children also appears in the Old Testament also where it is most poignantly expressed using feminine imagery of a mother’s love for her young child (Isa 49:15[1]). Jesus confirmed the Old Testament teaching that God will not abandon or forget his children who cry out to him.


Charles L. Quarles, Matthew, Exegetical Guide to the Greek New Testament, ed. T. Desmond Alexander, Thomas R. Schreiner, and Andreas J. Köstenberger, Evangelical Biblical Theology Commentary (Bellingham, WA: Lexham Academic, 2022), 202–4.

149 France, The Gospel of Matthew, 144.

150 The CSB inserts the word “door” but the word for door (θύρα) is not present in the Greek text of this verse. If a subject of the verb is supplied by translators, the term “gate” is preferable since this highlights the connection to 7:13–14.

[1]

Can a woman forget her nursing child,

or lack compassion for the child of her womb?

Even if these forget,

yet I will not forget you.

(Is 49:15, CSB)

RPT’s General Election Voter Guide (Nov 3rd. 2026 | SCV Newhall)

(My downloadable 2-page guide is HERE)

RESOURCES USED THIS YEAR:

CITY/LOCAL

Member Of the State Assembly, 40th District: Rickey Tracy Hayes, II
United States Representative, 27th District: Jason Gibbs

DISTRICT

SCV Water Agency Member, Board of Directors, Division 1: Bill Cooper

COUNTY

Sheriff: Alex Villanueva

JUDGE OF THE SUPERIOR COURT

No. 64: Maria Ghobadi
No. 65: Anna Slotky Reitano (really a no win this round)
No. 87: David DeJute
No. 131: Donna Tryfman

COUNTY MEASURES

A: NO
E: NO

STATE

Governor: Steve Hilton
Lieutenant Governor: Gloria Romero
Secretary of State: Donald P. (Don) Wagner
Controller: Herb W. Morgan
Treasurer: Jennifer Hawks
Attorney General: Michael E. Gates
Insurance Commissioner: Ben Allen (both choices Dems, Allen is a smidge better)
Supt. of Public Instruction: Sonja Shaw

STATE PROPOSITIONS / MEASURES

Proposition 1: NO
Proposition 2: NO
Proposition 3: NO
Proposition 4: NO
Proposition 5: NO
Proposition 37: NO
Proposition 38: NO
Proposition 39: YES
Proposition 40: NO
Proposition 41: YES
Proposition 42: YES
Proposition 43: YES
Proposition 44: NO
Proposition 45: YES

STATE JUDICIAL

CALIFORNIA SUPREME COURT — Yes / No Retention Vote

Joshua Groban: NO
Kellie M. Evans: NO

COURT OF APPEAL — 2nd Appellate District — Yes / No Retention Vote

PRESIDING JUSTICE

(Division 3) Rashida A. Adams: NO
(Division 4) Helen Zukin: NO
(Division 5) Brian M. Hoffstadt: YES
(Division 6) Tari L. Cody: YES
(Division 7) Gonzalo C. Martinez: NO

ASSOCIATE JUSTICE

(Division 1) Michelle C. Kim: NO
(Division 1) Gregory J. Weingart: NO
(Division 2) Anne Richardson: NO
(Division 2) Steve Goorvitch: NO
(Division 3) Mark Hanasono: NO
(Division 4) Nicholas Daum: NO
(Division 4) Audra M. Mori: NO
(Division 4) Armen Tamzarian: NO
(Division 6) Kenneth R. Yegan: YES
(Division 7) Natalie Stone: NO
(Division 8) John Wiley: YES
(Division 8) Matthew A. Scherb: YES
(Division 8) Victor G. Viramontes: NO

The Early Church: A Historical Problem TULIP Cannot Ignore

All Calvinists, whether they be Presbyterian or Reformed, Primitive Baptist or Sovereign Grace Baptist; all Calvinists, whether they be premillennial or amillennial, dispensational or covenant theologist; all Calvinists, whether they go by the name or not; all Calvinists have one thing in common: God, by a sovereign, eternal decree, has determined before the foundation of the world who shall be saved and who shall be lost. To obscure the real issue, a vocabulary has been invented to confuse and confound the Christian. The arguments about supralapsarianism and infralapsarianism, total depravity and total inability, reprobation and preterition, synergism and monergism, free will and free agency, common grace and special grace, general calling and effectual calling, perseverance and preservation, and the sovereignty of God are all immaterial.

Laurence M. Vance, The Other Side of Calvinism (Pensacola, FL: Vance Publications, 1991), 35.

Is Calvinism the faith of the early church, handed down in an unbroken line from the apostles? This video looks at what the church fathers before Augustine actually taught about free will and grace.

It first gives the Reformed historical narrative its full weight: Augustine of Hippo, Calvin’s systematization, the Synod of Dort and the appeal to Romans 9 and Ephesians 1. It then asks what came before Augustine’s late anti-Pelagian writings. Justin Martyr, writing around 150 AD, held that divine foreknowledge is not causation. Irenaeus of Lyon, around 180 AD in Against Heresies, made human freedom central to his answer to the Gnostics and asked why the apostle gave counsel if choice was not real. Origen rejected Stoic determinism, with an honest note on his condemned ideas, and John Chrysostom read Matthew 23:37 as real grief over real unwillingness. The video credits Augustine’s insight that grace is wholly unmerited, explains how the Pelagian controversy narrowed the earlier consensus, and notes that the Eastern Church never followed him there. It closes with John Wesley, who read these fathers in Greek and Latin and saw himself as recovering an older stream. Why is this history so rarely taught?

THE QUESTION CALVINISM DOES NOT WANT TO ANSWER

Calvinism is often presented as the recovery of historic Christianity: the doctrines of grace, the faith of the Reformers, the theology of Augustine, and ultimately the teaching of the apostles. That is an impressive historical claim. It is also a claim that must be tested against the historical record—not protected from examination by invoking the authority of later theologians.

The question is not whether the early Christians were Arminians, Provisionists, or Traditional Baptists. Those labels belong to later controversies. The question is whether the Christians nearest to the apostles taught that human beings are responsible agents who can respond to God’s commands, resist His appeals, obey or disobey, and exercise genuine choice in matters of faith—or whether they taught the deterministic system now represented by TULIP.

Here, the disputed determinism concerns saving faith: whether an unconditional decree fixes who will receive effectual grace, whether that grace makes their response certain, and whether those passed over lack the ability to respond. The historical test is not whether the fathers used later theological labels, but whether their accounts of faith and human responsibility support those specific claims.

The evidence presents Calvinism with a serious problem. The earliest Christian writers repeatedly defend human freedom and moral responsibility against systems that made human destiny fixed by nature, fate, or an overriding necessity. Irenaeus is especially important. He was not a medieval critic of Calvinism. He was a second-century bishop who had heard Polycarp, who had known the Apostle John. His testimony stands near the very beginning of the post-apostolic record.

Any Calvinist claim to the early church as a historical inheritance must deal honestly with what these writers actually said. A historical argument cannot simply leap from Paul to Augustine and from Augustine to Calvin, then treat those connections as proof that the whole history of Christianity has always taught TULIP. That would be selective memory, not a demonstration of continuity. The claim must be tested against the intervening witnesses.

JOHN, POLYCARP, AND IRENAEUS: A WITNESS CLOSE TO THE APOSTLES

Irenaeus’s connection to the apostolic generation is not an invented chain of internet apologetics. In his letter to Florinus, preserved by Eusebius in Ecclesiastical History 5.20, Irenaeus recalls hearing Polycarp speak. He describes Polycarp’s association with John and others who had seen the Lord. Irenaeus remembered Polycarp’s teaching, appearance, manner of life, and public accounts of his dealings with those who had known Christ.

This historical witness does not begin and end with Irenaeus. Norman Geisler, in Appendix One of Chosen but Free, documents the testimony of twenty prominent Christian thinkers spanning the early centuries of the church and extending through the medieval period. His list includes Justin Martyr (AD 100–165), Irenaeus (AD 130–200), Athenagoras of Athens, Theophilus of Antioch, Tatian of Syria, Bardaisan of Syria, Clement of Alexandria, Tertullian, Novatian of Rome, Origen, Methodius, Archelaus, Arnobius of Sicca, Cyril of Jerusalem, Gregory of Nyssa, Jerome, John Chrysostom, and even the earlier writings of Augustine, followed by Anselm and Thomas Aquinas. Geisler’s central observation is that, with the exception of Augustine’s later theological development, virtually all these major thinkers affirmed that human beings possess the power of contrary free choice, even in their fallen condition. This is not an isolated theological opinion from one second-century bishop. It represents a substantial historical testimony extending across generations of Christian thought. The question Calvinists must answer is straightforward: if unconditional election, irresistible grace, and the inability of fallen humanity to respond to God’s gracious appeal are the unmistakable teachings of the apostles, why is this such a difficult position to establish among the very Christian thinkers who lived closest to the apostolic generation?

The challenge is direct: when a second-century writer, standing in this historical line, explicitly says that the human will remains in a person’s own power with respect to faith, why should a much later system be allowed to redefine the terms and tell us that the early church really meant something else?

IRENAEUS AGAINST COERCION: HUMAN FREEDOM IS NOT A SIDE ISSUE

In Against Heresies IV.37, Irenaeus argues that God made human beings free agents. God does not compel obedience. Human beings possess the capacity to obey or disobey, and this freedom makes commands, warnings, praise, blame, reward, and judgment morally meaningful.

The point becomes unmistakable in IV.37.5. Irenaeus says:

“All such expressions demonstrate that man is in his own power with respect to faith.”

This is not a vague statement about choosing what to eat or where to live. He specifically includes faith. The statement directly challenges the claim that fallen people are incapable of believing unless they have first been regenerated by an irresistible act that cannot be resisted.

(IV.37–41) Irenaeus is explaining why God created human beings with the capacity for choice, why obedience must be voluntary rather than coerced, why people are accountable for their actions, and why God’s dealings with humanity are just. He does not deny that humanity is fallen. He does not teach sinless human nature or salvation by unaided human achievement. He argues that sin does not turn human beings into puppets or erase their moral agency.

That distinction matters. Calvinist polemic often tries to force every non-Calvinist account of human response into the category of Pelagianism or semi-Pelagianism. Irenaeus will not fit that caricature. He can affirm humanity’s need for God, the reality of sin, and divine grace while also insisting that the human will is not coerced and that faith involves genuine human response.

The Calvinist interpreter has work to do here. It is not enough to say that Irenaeus believed in “free will” in some generic sense and then quietly redefine that freedom as compatibilist willingness under an exhaustive decree. Irenaeus’s argument is about meaningful alternatives, non-coercion, and responsibility. If his language is to be made compatible with TULIP, that compatibility must be demonstrated from his context—not merely asserted after the fact.

THE ENEMIES IRENAEUS OPPOSED: GNOSTIC FATALISM AND STOIC FATE

Irenaeus was not debating a modern five-point confession. He was confronting the religious and philosophical systems of his own world. Against Heresies attacks Gnostic teachers who divided humanity into classes and assigned different spiritual conditions and destinies to people. In some of these systems, a person’s nature determined what that person could become. Irenaeus regarded such schemes as incompatible with the Creator’s justice and with the moral responsibility taught in Scripture.

Despite the fluidity of the religious mix of the early churches, we do know that gnosticism was the overriding issue facing the Chris­tian community during the first four centuries of our era. Opposition to gnostic thought and practice occupies a great deal of the Pauline corpus; there are anti-gnostic themes in the Johannine literature and perhaps even in the Revelation.” By the end of the first century, the attack on gnosticism had been escalated by Ignatius (d. ca. 110), bishop of Antioch; Justin Martyr (ca. 100—ca. 165); and especially by Irenaeus (ca. 130—ca. 200), bishop of Lyons. The polemic was sus­tained by Tertullian of Carthage (ca. 160—ca. 220), the Roman theolo­gian; Hippolytus (ca. 170—ca. 236); Origen of Alexandria (ca. 185—ca. 254); and many others. It would seem either that the gnostics posed a grave threat to Christianity or else that the Fathers were suf­fering from a pathological obsession, for this question to have ab­sorbed so much of their considerable talents and energies.

Irenaeus, the gnostic fighter par excellence, records that “a multi­tude of Gnostics have sprung up, and have been manifested like mushrooms growing out of the ground.” The image is that of nu­merous fungi suddenly and rootlessly materializing on virgin soil. Irenaeus gives himself to the defense of that unprepared ground, the Church.

Philip J. Lee, Against the Protestant Gnostics (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 5.

Stoic philosophy presented a different challenge through its account of fate and the ordered necessity of events. Early Christian writers had to explain how divine foreknowledge could coexist with genuine human responsibility, without reducing human choices to fate. Justin Martyr, Tatian, and others addressed this problem. Their recurring concern was that foreknowledge must not be confused with coercion or causal determination.

We should not collapse Gnosticism, Stoicism, Augustinian theology, and Calvinism into one identical system. They are not identical, and similarity is not proof of direct borrowing. The sharper—and more defensible—charge is this: the early church fought against deterministic accounts of human destiny because they believed such accounts damaged the doctrines of God’s justice and human accountability.

Later Augustinian and Calvinist formulations must be tested against the very objections those early Christians raised.

The question is not whether Calvinists use the word “Gnostic.” The question is whether their system reintroduces, in a Christianized form, the kind of fixed spiritual destinies and determined outcomes that early Christian writers rejected. When a theology says that God unconditionally selects some for saving grace, withholds that grace from the rest, and ensures that the selected cannot finally resist, the resemblance deserves examination. Calling the system “the doctrines of grace” does not answer the historical or moral question.

THE WIDER PRE-AUGUSTINIAN WITNESS

Irenaeus is the centerpiece, but he is not the only early witness worth hearing. Justin Martyr argues that foreknowledge does not abolish human choice. Tatian rejects fate and speaks of the freedom of human and angelic agents. Clement of Alexandria connects moral responsibility and faith with genuine human response. Tertullian argues against making God the author of human wrongdoing. Origen explicitly resists philosophical determinism and defends human freedom.

These writers do not form a modern denominational statement, and they do not agree on every question. It would be careless to call them all Provisionists or Arminians. But it is equally careless—and historically indefensible—to pretend that the early church simply taught the later Reformed system. Their repeated insistence on human agency, responsibility, and the distinction between foreknowledge and fate is a substantial obstacle to claims that TULIP was the uncontested apostolic position.

See more HERE regarding the graph

The resources gathered for this project help establish the breadth of the question. Norman Geisler’s Chosen but Free, especially Appendix One, assembles statements from a range of historical Christian writers. David Bercot’s Will the Real Heretics Please Stand Up raises the question of who is better positioned to understand the apostles: those close to the apostolic generation or later theological interpreters. Ken Wilson’s The Foundation of Augustinian-Calvinism and A Defense of Free Grace Theology examine the development of Augustinian soteriology. Ken Johnson’s The Gnostic Origins of Calvinism supplies additional material and claims to investigate concerning Irenaeus, Gnostic thought, and later determinist theology.

These secondary authors are research guides, not substitutes for primary sources. Their quotations and historical conclusions must be checked against the fathers themselves. But the combined research points toward a question that Calvinist histories often minimize:

  • why does the early record so frequently defend the very human freedom that later deterministic systems must qualify, redefine, or deny?

AUGUSTINE: A MAJOR TURN IN THE WESTERN STORY

One aspect of Augustine’s understanding of grace needs further comment. As human beings were incapable of saving themselves, and as God gave his gift of grace to some (but not all), it followed that God had “preselected” those who would be saved. Developing hints of this idea to be found in the New Testament, Augustine developed a doctrine of predestination. The term “predestination” refers to God’s original or eternal decision to save some, and not others. It was this aspect of Augustine’s thought which many of his contemporaries, not to mention his successors, found unacceptable. It need hardly be said that there is no direct equivalent in Pelagius’s thought.

Alister E. McGrath, Historical Theology: An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought (Malden, MA: Wiley & Sons LTD, 2013), 34.

The argument becomes especially important when the discussion reaches Augustine. Augustine was a towering figure, but he was not the apostle John, and his theology is not identical with the testimony of the second-century church. His views developed over time, particularly during his controversy with Pelagius and his followers.

Dave Hunt, in What Love Is This? Calvinism’s Misrepresentation of God, presses this point forcefully. Hunt argues that Augustine earlier affirmed free will and God’s desire for the salvation of all, but later adopted a much more restrictive account of grace, election, and the will. Hunt points to Augustine’s earlier statements on foreknowledge and free choice, including Augustine’s argument that God’s infallible foreknowledge does not compel human beings or cancel their willing. Hunt contrasts those statements with Augustine’s later doctrines of the elect, the massa perditionis, and grace given effectually to some while withheld from others.

That development deserves serious attention. The issue is not whether Augustine was intelligent, influential, or sincere. The issue is whether his later anti-Pelagian conclusions represent the faith delivered by the apostles—or a major theological development shaped by a particular controversy. If the first three centuries repeatedly emphasize human freedom and responsibility, then the burden is on those who make Augustine’s later position the measuring rod for Christian orthodoxy.

A necessary historical distinction must be made:

Augustine did formally reject Manichaeism and embraced Nicene Christianity, but that conversion does not mean his former religious commitments ceased to influence his theological development. In fact, substantial scholarship argues that his Manichaean background remained critically important to the formation of his later theology. Ken Wilson argues that Augustine’s post-412 theological developments involved the adoption of deterministic interpretations of Scripture previously advanced by his Manichaean opponents, including interpretations concerning human inability, divine election, and inherited condemnation.

Jason BeDuhn, while rejecting the claim that Augustine simply remained a Manichaean, reaches a significant related conclusion: Augustine appropriated particular Manichaean insights, detached them from their original religious system, and incorporated them into his developing Christian theology. BeDuhn specifically identifies the fragmentedness and disability of the human will and the necessity of divine grace among the concepts that may represent direct borrowings from Manichaeism. Consequently, the historical question is not whether Augustine formally abandoned Manichaeism—he did—but whether elements of its theological framework subsequently reappeared, transformed and incorporated into his influential Christian teachings. The evidence presented by Wilson and BeDuhn makes that question impossible to dismiss merely by pointing to Augustine’s conversion.

 

Hunt’s central challenge is moral as well as exegetical:

  • what kind of love is being attributed to God if He sincerely commands all to repent, invites all to come, and declares His desire that people be saved, while the theological system says He has withheld from many the only grace by which they could respond?

What kind of justice condemns people for failing to do what, by the system’s own definition, they were never enabled to do? Those questions cannot be dismissed as emotional objections. They go to the character of the God being proclaimed.

CALVIN: AUGUSTINE’S AUTHORITY BECOMES A SYSTEM

John Calvin did not invent every element of the theology later called Calvinism. He drew extensively on Augustine, cited him repeatedly in the Institutes, and treated him as a major authority on predestination and grace. Hunt documents this dependence with examples from Calvin’s own writings. Calvin invokes Augustine when defending predestination, reprobation, and the claim that God’s decree cannot be resisted.

The historical line is therefore not simply “the apostles taught TULIP, and Calvin recovered it.” A more accurate line of inquiry is:

  1. the early fathers debated freedom and fate;
  2. Augustine developed a distinctive and increasingly restrictive account of grace and predestination (see Appendix A);
  3. Calvin drew heavily on Augustine and systematized those themes in the Reformation era;
  4. and the five points were later formalized in response to the Remonstrants at the Synod of Dort.

That chronology matters. The acronym TULIP is not found in the New Testament, nor was it a confession written by the apostles or Irenaeus. The five-point formulation emerged in a later controversy. Its defenders must establish that its doctrines are biblical and apostolic; they cannot establish that simply by pointing to Augustine’s influence on Calvin or Calvin’s influence on later Reformed confessions.

Hunt’s critique in What Love Is This? is especially sharp on the consequences of the system. If total depravity means inability to believe, unconditional election selects some and passes over others, limited atonement restricts Christ’s saving intent to the elect, irresistible grace ensures the elect’s response, and perseverance guarantees their final salvation, then what becomes of the repeated biblical invitations to all people? What becomes of God’s stated desire that all come to repentance? What becomes of the sincerity of the gospel offer to those whom the system says cannot respond and for whom Christ did not die?

Calvinists have answers to these questions, usually involving distinctions between God’s revealed and decretive wills, compatibilist freedom, and the difference between external calling and effectual calling. But naming those distinctions is not the same as resolving the contradiction. The question remains whether the system preserves the plain force of the biblical invitations—or redefines them so that “all,” “world,” “whoever,” and “any” repeatedly mean only the elect, or mean something less than their ordinary force.

THE FIVE POINTS UNDER CROSS-EXAMINATION
See APPENDIX B

TOTAL DEPRAVITY: All Christians who take sin seriously affirm that humanity is fallen and cannot save itself. The dispute is whether depravity entails an absolute inability to respond to God’s gracious initiative. Irenaeus’s statement that a person is in his own power with respect to faith is a direct challenge to that added conclusion. Sin is real; so is accountability. One does not prove inability merely by repeating that sinners are spiritually dead.

UNCONDITIONAL ELECTION: The issue is whether God chose particular individuals for salvation without reference to foreknown faith, and whether that choice necessarily entails passing over the rest. Hunt argues that Scripture’s election language is repeatedly connected to foreknowledge and to blessings and purposes in Christ, not a secret decree assigning some individuals to heaven and others to hell. Irenaeus’s appeal to foreknowledge and responsible choice must be faced, not waved away.

LIMITED ATONEMENT: If Christ did not die for the non-elect, then the universal language of the New Testament must be qualified. The gospel preacher cannot straightforwardly tell every hearer, “Christ died for you,” if he believes Christ’s atoning death was never intended for that hearer. Hunt presses the point: a restricted atonement sits uneasily beside the biblical presentation of Christ as Savior of the world and the provision made for all.

IRRESISTIBLE GRACE: If saving grace cannot be resisted by the elect, and the non-elect are never given the grace necessary to believe, then the biblical warnings against resisting God and the repeated calls to repent require explanation. Irenaeus’s insistence that God does not compel obedience and that human beings are responsible for their response is directly relevant.

PERSEVERANCE: The question is not whether God keeps His people. The question is whether the doctrine is being used to make the entire response of faith, the continuance in faith, and the final outcome the inevitable result of an irresistible decree in a way that empties biblical warnings and exhortations of their ordinary force. The texts must be allowed to speak before the system decides what they are permitted to mean.

Challenging the Historical Narrative: Was the Early Church Calvinistic?

Here’s a question worth asking the next time someone suggests that rejecting Calvinism means rejecting the historic Christian faith:

What did the Christians who lived before Augustine actually believe about human freedom, faith, grace, and election?

The historical record deserves a much broader examination than simply tracing a line from the Apostle Paul to Augustine, then to Luther and Calvin.

Consider some of the witnesses:

  • Justin Martyr (c. AD 150): Argued that divine foreknowledge and human freedom are compatible, and that human beings are accountable for their choices.
  • Irenaeus of Lyons (c. AD 180): Made genuine human freedom central to his argument against heretical teachings. He explicitly included faith in his discussion of human freedom, writing that “man is in his own power with respect to faith” (Against Heresies IV.37.5).
  • Origen (c. AD 230): Defended meaningful human agency and challenged philosophical determinism.
  • John Chrysostom (c. AD 400): Interpreted Christ’s lament over Jerusalem in Matthew 23:37 as expressing a genuine desire to gather those who were unwilling to come.

These were not sixteenth-century Reformers or seventeenth-century Arminians. They were Christian writers addressing these questions centuries before those theological systems existed.

Their writings demonstrate that human freedom, accountability, and the ability to respond to God’s invitations were established subjects of early Christian theology.

The Augustinian Turning Point

Augustine deserves his place in Christian history. His contributions to the doctrines of grace, sin, and salvation were enormous. His insistence that salvation is entirely dependent upon God’s grace remains an essential consideration in any serious theological discussion.

But his mature writings on predestination, inherited sin, and irresistible grace emerged in a particular historical setting, especially during his controversy with Pelagius in the early fifth century.

The question is whether Augustine’s later formulations represent the uncontested position of the preceding Christian centuries.

The Eastern Christian tradition, in particular, developed a substantially different understanding of original sin, human freedom, and the relationship between grace and the human will. Nor did all Western theologians simply adopt Augustine’s strongest conclusions.

This is an important distinction:

  • Augustine’s influence on subsequent Western theology should not be confused with proof that every aspect of his mature soteriology represented the universal teaching of the earliest church.

The History We Need to Read

There is another question worth considering. If the historical discussion of Christian soteriology begins primarily with Augustine, what happens to the three centuries of Christian writing that preceded him?

Which church fathers receive attention? Which passages are emphasized? Which theological disagreements are explained? And which earlier voices are overlooked when the history of Christian salvation is presented?

Historical narratives inevitably influence how people understand theological orthodoxy. If someone is repeatedly told that Calvinism represents the historic Christian consensus, that claim deserves to be examined against the writings of the earliest Christian generations.We should not dismiss church history. We should read more of it.

We should not force Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Origen, or Chrysostom into modern theological categories. But neither should we ignore their writings when evaluating claims about the historical origins of Calvinist theology.

The fathers are still there. Their writings have not disappeared. And their testimony deserves to be heard.

The question is not whether every early Christian writer agreed with modern Provisionism, Arminianism, or Traditional Baptist theology. They did not formulate those systems. The question is whether the historical evidence supports the assertion that Calvinism represents the original, uncontested understanding of Christian salvation.

That is a much larger historical question than simply asking whether Augustine agreed with Calvin.

THE HISTORICAL BURDEN OF PROOF

Calvinists often tell non-Calvinists that rejecting TULIP means rejecting historic Christianity. That claim reverses the burden of proof. The early Christian writings must be examined before a later system is declared the historic standard. A second-century witness connected to Polycarp and John cannot be dismissed simply because his language is inconvenient to a seventeenth-century confession or a modern Reformed system.

If Irenaeus’s teaching is incompatible with key claims of TULIP, Calvinists must do one of two things. They must show, from Irenaeus’s own context, that his statements about freedom and faith are compatible with their doctrines; or they must acknowledge that Irenaeus did not teach their system and explain why a later theological development should override this early witness. What they cannot honestly do is claim Irenaeus as an uncomplicated Calvinist while ignoring his explicit argument that human beings are in their own power with respect to faith.

And if the wider pre-Augustinian record points in the same direction, the problem becomes larger. The claim that Calvinism is simply apostolic Christianity in its purest form becomes historically untenable unless the evidence is addressed. Later influence is not proof of earlier consensus. A doctrine does not become apostolic because Augustine adopted it, Calvin systematized it, or the Reformed tradition institutionalized it.

CONCLUSION: THE FATHERS CANNOT BE ERASED

This is not a plea for ecumenical silence. It is a demand for historical honesty and biblical accountability on three connected questions. Historically, a theology that makes faith impossible until an irresistible act of regeneration must confront the early Christian witness to human responsibility with respect to faith. Exegetically and morally, a theology that portrays God as withholding saving grace from people He commands to repent, then condemning them for unbelief, must explain how that account preserves His justice and the sincerity of His invitation. And a theology that makes every event—including sin—part of an exhaustive decree must explain how God is not thereby made the ultimate determiner of the evil He forbids. These are the questions the argument requires the later system to answer.

Irenaeus is not a decorative name to place in a historical timeline. He is a witness. He heard Polycarp. Polycarp was connected to John. Irenaeus fought systems that assigned fixed spiritual destinies and undermined moral responsibility. In the very course of defending the faith, he argued that God created human beings with genuine agency and that their response to Him was not coerced.

The later Augustinian and Calvinist systems must answer that witness. They must also answer Justin, Tatian, Clement, Tertullian, and Origen where their writings defend freedom and responsibility. They cannot claim the fathers when convenient and dismiss them when inconvenient.

Before Augustine. Before Calvin. Before Dort. Before TULIP.
The early church was already confronting determinism
—and Irenaeus’s words remain a challenge to anyone who
claims that the deterministic conclusions of later theology
are simply what the apostles taught.

The question for Calvinism is not whether it can construct a sophisticated explanation of these historical facts. It is whether that explanation is faithful to Scripture and honest about the historical record. The fathers are still there. Their writings have not disappeared. And no later system has the authority to make them say the opposite of what they wrote.

RESEARCH BASE AND IMPORTANT DISTINCTIONS

Primary sources to foreground: Irenaeus, Against Heresies IV.37–41; Irenaeus’s letter to Florinus as preserved in Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History 5.20; Justin Martyr, First Apology; Tatian, Address to the Greeks; and the relevant writings of Clement, Tertullian, and Origen. Verify every quotation against a reliable translation and retain the immediate context.

Secondary resources supplied for this project: Dave Hunt, What Love Is This? Calvinism’s Misrepresentation of God; Ken Wilson, The Foundation of Augustinian-Calvinism; Ken Johnson, The Gnostic Origins of Calvinism; Norman Geisler, Chosen but Free, especially Appendix One; David Bercot, Will the Real Heretics Please Stand Up; and A Defense of Free Grace Theology, including the pages and appendix previously identified.

This essay deliberately advances a forceful critique, but it distinguishes doctrinal resemblance from historical dependence. It does not claim that Augustine or Calvin simply copied Gnostic or Stoic systems. It argues that later determinist formulations must answer the early church’s explicit opposition to fatalism, fixed spiritual destinies, coercion, and the denial of meaningful human responsibility.

Bibliography

Primary Sources: Early Christianity and the Church Fathers

Augustine. The Confessions. Translated by Henry Chadwick. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991.

Augustine. The City of God against the Pagans. Edited and translated by R. W. Dyson. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

Clement of Alexandria. The Stromata. In Ante-Nicene Fathers, edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 1994.

Eusebius. The Church History. Translated by Paul L. Maier. Grand Rapids: Kregel Publications, 1999.

Irenaeus. Against Heresies. In Ante-Nicene Fathers, edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 1994.

———. “Letter to Florinus.” In Eusebius, The Church History, Book 5, chapter 20.

Justin Martyr. The First Apology. In Ante-Nicene Fathers, edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 1994.

Origen. On First Principles. Translated by G. W. Butterworth. Gloucester, MA: Peter Smith, 1973.

Polycarp. The Epistle of Polycarp to the Philippians. In Ante-Nicene Fathers, edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 1994.

Tatian. Address to the Greeks. In Ante-Nicene Fathers, edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 1994.

Tertullian. Against Marcion. In Ante-Nicene Fathers, edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 1994.

———. A Treatise on the Soul. In Ante-Nicene Fathers, edited by Alexander Roberts and James Donaldson. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 1994.

Modern Books and Theological Studies

Anderson, David R., Fred Chay, Joseph Dillow, J. Paul Tanner, and Ken Wilson. A Defense of Free Grace Theology: With Respect to Saving Faith, Perseverance, and Assurance. Grace Theology Press, 2017.

Bercot, David W. Will the Real Heretics Please Stand Up: A New Look at Today’s Evangelical Church in the Light of Early Christianity. 3rd ed. Amberson, PA: Scroll Publishing Company, 1999.

Coate, Micah. A Cultish Side of Calvinism. Innovo Publishing, 2011.

Geisler, Norman L. Chosen but Free: A Balanced View of God’s Sovereignty and Free Will. 3rd ed., revised and expanded. Minneapolis: Bethany House, 2010.

Hunt, Dave. What Love Is This? Calvinism’s Misrepresentation of God. 4th ed. Bend, OR: The Berean Call, 2018.

Johnson, Ken. The Gnostic Origins of Calvinism. 2013.

Robinson, Geoffrey D. Saved by Grace through Faith or Saved by Decree? A Biblical and Theological Critique of Calvinist Soteriology. Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 2022.

Wilson, Kenneth M. Augustine’s Conversion from Traditional Free Choice to “Non-free Free Will”: A Comprehensive Methodology. Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum 111. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2018.

———. The Foundation of Augustinian-Calvinism. Montgomery, TX: Regula Fidei Press, 2019.

Edited Volumes and Additional Theological Critiques

Allen, David L., and Steve W. Lemke, eds. Calvinism: A Biblical and Theological Critique. Nashville: B&H Academic, 2022.

———, eds. Whosoever Will: A Biblical-Theological Critique of Five-Point Calvinism. Nashville: B&H Publishing Group, 2010.


APPENDIX A
This is a summary I am zeroing in on of a book review, found HERE.


Byard Bennett, review of Jason David BeDuhn, Augustine’s Manichaean Dilemma, 2: Making a “Catholic” Self, 388–401 C.E. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2013), Augustinian Studies 45, no. 2 (2014): 300–305.

One of the most significant findings in Jason David BeDuhn’s historical study, as summarized by Byard Bennett, is the documented change in Augustine’s understanding of the human will. Bennett explains that Augustine’s earlier Christian position explicitly defended free will, maintaining that moral responsibility required genuine human freedom and that impairment of rational control was temporary and remediable. However, following his engagement with Manichaean arguments, particularly those raised by Fortunatus in 392, and his subsequent interaction with Tyconius’s interpretation of Paul, Augustine’s position changed. Bennett identifies the shift with remarkable clarity:

“Augustine’s earlier free will position had understood the will as a will to do good. Following Tyconius, Augustine now saw the will as a will to depend on God” (302).

Augustine increasingly portrayed the fallen will as internally divided, weakened, and unable to accomplish good without effective divine intervention. The consequences were substantial. As Bennett explains, conversion was no longer understood as the product of effective human agency, as Augustine’s earlier position had maintained; rather, conversion became the beginning of such agency (304). This is a documented theological development in Augustine’s own thinking. The later Augustinian emphasis on human inability and the efficacy of divine grace should therefore not be casually projected backward as though it had always been Augustine’s position.

Bennett describes Augustine’s earlier Christian position as a direct rejection of the Manichaean explanation of human sinfulness.

Augustine maintained that:

  • There was no inherently evil nature compelling people to sin.
  • Actions performed under necessity could not properly be considered sinful.
  • Every rational being possessed free will.
  • Moral responsibility—and therefore guilt—required free will.
  • The impairment of rational control was temporary and remediable, arising from habits developed through negligence and disordered bodily desires.

Bennett’s description is particularly significant:

“Only where one possesses free will can moral responsibility (and hence, sinfulness) exist.” (p. 301)

This is not a minor qualification. Augustine’s earlier defense of moral responsibility rested upon the existence of genuine human freedom.

The turning point: Augustine’s encounter with Fortunatus in 392

Bennett identifies Augustine’s debate with the Manichaean Fortunatus in 392 as an important turning point. Fortunatus challenged Augustine’s free-will defense by appealing to Paul’s descriptions of human conflict and inability, particularly:

  • Romans 7
  • Ephesians 2

These passages forced Augustine to reconsider whether his earlier understanding of free will adequately explained humanity’s spiritual condition. Bennett writes that Fortunatus’s arguments led Augustine to study these disputed Pauline passages more closely.

Augustine began reconsidering the relationship between human inability, sin, and grace.

The shift: From a will to do good to a will dependent upon God

This is arguably the most important sentence in the entire review:

“Augustine’s earlier free will position had understood the will as a will to do good. Following Tyconius, Augustine now saw the will as a will to depend on God.” (p. 302)

Consider the difference:

Earlier Augustine Developing Augustine
The will possesses genuine freedom. The will is fundamentally impaired.
The will can choose to do good. The will must depend upon God to do good.
Moral responsibility requires free will. Human inability becomes central to explaining the need for grace.
Impaired rational control is temporary and remediable. Sin exercises an internal coercive influence over the fallen will.

This is a substantial theological development, not merely a change in terminology.

The developing doctrine of inability

Bennett then describes Augustine’s increasingly negative assessment of the pre-conversion human will. On page 303, Augustine’s developing position portrays sensual desire (concupiscence) as:

  • An irrational internal compulsion.
  • A coercive power that subverts rational autonomy. 
  • An indwelling power of sin.
  • A force that undermines the individual’s ability to will rightly.

Bennett makes another important observation:

Augustine’s model of the individual’s pre-conversion life “more nearly resembled the view held by the Manichaeans than that held by the earlier Catholic commentators on Paul’s letters.” (p. 303)

Augustine did not adopt the Manichaean explanation of two competing natures. Instead, he increasingly described the human will itself as divided, corrupted, and weakened.

The resulting position: Grace creates faith

The review then describes the implications of this developing understanding. Bennett explains that Augustine’s later position increasingly emphasized that:

  1. The fallen human being cannot independently accomplish what is good.
  2. The human soul is radically dependent upon divine grace.
  3. Grace creates faith.
  4. The human response follows God’s effective call.
  5. Conversion is no longer the consequence of effective human agency; it becomes the beginning of such agency.

Bennett’s wording is particularly direct:

“Conversion is therefore not a product and consequence of effective human agency (as Augustine’s earlier freewill position had contended); conversion is instead the beginning of such agency.” (p. 304)

That sentence explicitly contrasts Augustine’s earlier and developing positions.

BOTTOM LINE: This review of the book documents the change in the will’s perceived capacity; it documents the resulting change in the understanding of conversion and grace. Together, they make a much stronger historical argument than simply saying Augustine was influenced by Manichaeism.


APPENDIX B
This is an excerpt of a book found HERE. PDF also.


MAJOR POINTS – TULIP

Ken Johnson, The Gnostic Origins of Calvinism (CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 2013), pages 34–63 of thePDF.

As we said, Calvinism consists of five major points which can be remembered using the acronym TULIP. Calvinism says we are Totally depraved, meaning we could not accept God’s gift of salvation even if we wanted to. God must Unconditionally elect those He wants saved because we cannot do anything to be saved. God Limited the atonement to only those few He wanted to save. All the rest He consigned to hell. None of those He wants to be saved can refuse their salvation, because God uses an Irresistible grace. That being the case, God forces the Perseverance of the saints, making sure they cannot lose their salvation. In addition to these there are minor points: Calvinistic Foreknowledge and Calvinistic Predestination.

In contrast, Arminianism teaches that everyone is born with a sin nature, but each has the free will to accept or reject Christ as their Savior. Salvation is available to all on the condition that each accepts Christ as his Savior. The Atonement of salvation is open to all, so that “whosoever will” may be saved. The Atonement is not limited to a select few. God draws all individuals to salvation by grace, but grace can be resisted by free will.

Some Arminian denominations teach that you can lose your salvation and other Arminian denominations teach you cannot. But even those who believe you cannot lose your salvation base it on God’s love for us, not His predestination, as Calvinists and Gnostics do.

The extreme forms of Calvinism and Arminianism are Universalism (the belief that everyone will eventually be saved) and Pelagianism. [Irenaeus, Against Heresies 1.27]

Being a Calvinist does not make you a non-Christian heretic. It simply shows that part of your doctrine is not perfect. It should be noted that to be a Calvinist you must accept all five points of Calvinism, or that doctrine falls apart. Some denominations state they are partial Calvinists, but in reality they simply redefine two or three points and accept the rest as Arminian theology. With this in mind, we need to look at the five major and three minor points of Calvinism and its related theology and compare them to the Bible and what the ancient church fathers taught.

Total Depravity

Calvinist Definition WRONG

Each man is so totally depraved that he could not accept the gift of salvation God would give him because he has no free will to do so. Therefore, God simply decreed before the creation of man that some individuals would be saved. God then intervenes in their lives to force them to be saved. He decrees all the others will spend eternity in hell.

One argument is that Colossians 2 and Ephesians 2 state we are dead in trespasses and sin. The Calvinist will argue that the dead cannot make decisions. But if we look at the context, it says that we are all “dead men walking,” so to speak. We all have sinned, and if God did not intervene, we would all parish.

Arminian Definition CORRECT

Each man is totally deprived in the sense that he cannot do anything to bring about his own salvation. But when God reveals Himself to that person, he has the ability, or free will, to accept the free gift of salvation God is offering him. Those who refuse the gift will spend eternity in hell.

Pelagian Definition WRONG

If you allow yourself to become corrupted by sin, you could become totally depraved, incapable of ever being saved.

BIBLICAL POSITION

First John teaches all mankind is born with a sin nature. If you deny that, you are deceived. If you think you were not born with a sin nature and that you have been sinless all your life and do not need a savior, you are calling God a liar.

“If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. If we confess our sins, He is faithful and just to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness. If we say that we have not sinned, we make Him a liar, and His word is not in us.” 1 John 1:8-10

Paul says in Romans 3 that no one born is righteous or even tries to seek after God. Everyone has sinned (because of their sin nature) and is on their way to hell because of it.

“As it is written, there is none righteous, no, not one: There is none that understandeth, there is none that seeketh after God. They are all gone out of the way, they are together become unprofitable; there is none that doeth good, no, not one.” Romans 3:10-12

“For all have sinned, and come short of the glory of God” Romans 3:23

This is sometimes called total depravity or total inability. But can a person accept the free gift of salvation by just believing in Jesus, or is that impossible for them as well?

“For God so loved the world, that He gave His only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but have everlasting life.” John 3:16

Calvinists state that accepting a free gift would be a work, which amounts to a works salvation and not by God’s grace. But Paul says accepting a free gift is not a work, instead it is simply belief.

“But to him that worketh not, but believeth on him that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousness.” Romans 4:5

So we are depraved in the sense that we can do nothing to save ourselves, but we are free to believe and accept God’s gift of salvation.

“ … through His name whosoever believeth in Him shall receive remission of sins.” Acts 10:43

“And this is the will of Him that sent Me, that everyone which seeth the Son, and believeth on Him, may have everlasting life: and I will raise him up at the last day.” John 6:40

Quotes of the Ancient Church Fathers

Justin Martyr, AD 165

Second Apology 7 – Man acts by his own free will and not by fate.

Dialogue 88 – Men and angels have free will. The human race from Adam had fallen under the power of death and the guile of the serpent, so that each one of us has committed personal transgression.

Dialogue 102 – He created both angels and men free to do that which is righteous, and He appointed periods of time during which He knew it would be good for them to have the exercise of free will; and because He likewise knew it would be good, He made general and particular judgments; each one’s freedom of will, however, being guarded.

Dialogue 141 – God created men and angels free to do righteousness; possessing reason, that they may know by whom they are created, and through whom they, not existing formerly, do now exist; and with a law that they should be judged by Him, if they do anything contrary to right reason: and of ourselves we, men and angels, shall be convicted of having acted sinfully, unless we repent beforehand. But if the word of God foretells that some angels and men shall be certainly punished, it did so because it foreknew that they would be unchangeably wicked, but not because God had created them so.

Tatian, AD 165

Greeks 7 – Jesus created men and angels with free will. Jesus had foreknowledge of what free agents would do. There is no such thing as fate.

Greeks 9 – Demons invented the concept of fate with astrology to enslave man into worshiping them.

Greeks 11 – Our free will enslaved us to sin [Rom. 7], but we can choose to follow righteousness now.

Irenaeus, AD 177

Against Heresies 4.29 – God only blinds the minds of those who chose not to believe and have already rejected him. In Romans [1], those who would not retain God in their knowledge He gave them over to a reprobate mind. In 2 Thessalonians [2], strong delusion is sent to believe the lie. God knows the number of those who will not believe, since He foreknows all things, has given them over to unbelief. God has foreknowledge of all things.

Against Heresies 4.37 – God made man a free agent from the beginning. This is the ancient law of human liberty, for there is no coercion with God. In man, as well as in angels, He has placed the power of choice. The Gnostic teaching that some men are born good, and others are born bad, is wrong. Everyone has the power to reject the Gospel. God has free will and we do, too, because we are made in His image. God preserved the will of man free and under his own control. We will be brought to perfection in the resurrection. Romans [8] refers to the church being predestined to be conformed to the image of Christ.

Against Heresies 4.39 – Man has the ability to distinguish good from evil. He has the power by his own free will to perform God’s commandments. This is taught in Romans [2]. God does not compel people to salvation, so those who have apostatized have done so through their own fault. God allows them to blind themselves.

Clement of Alexandria, AD 192

Stromata 2.3 – Christians teach saving faith is a gift that starts with God and is accepted by free choice.

Stromata 2.4 – The ability to freely choose salvation is a gift [started by] God, but true faith produces repentance.

Stromata 5.3 – Faith is the rational assent of the soul exercising free will.

Tertullian, AD 190-210

Marcion 2.5 – Man has free will.

Minucius Felix, AD 210

36 – The mind of man is free from birth and remains free throughout his life.

Origen, AD 230

Against Celsus 4:70 – Man has free will.

Mathetes AD 130

Epistle to Diognetus 7 – Jesus, who is God come in the flesh, came to persuade, not compel us, to salvation because violence has no part in the character of God.

Unconditional Election

Calvinist Definition WRONG

Man’s election unto salvation is unconditional because he is incapable of accepting God’s free gift. If he was able to accept or decline the gift, the gift would be on the condition that man accepted it.

Arminian Definition CORRECT

Man’s election to salvation is conditional based on the condition that he accept the free gift from God by using his free will to believe. Accepting a gift is not a work.

Pelagian Definition WRONG

Man’s election unto salvation is conditional. It is based on the condition that he not sin in this life and accept Jesus as Savior.

BIBLICAL POSITION

Those who are saved are not saved by their own merit.

“Not by works of righteousness which we have done, but according to His mercy He saved us, by the washing of regeneration, and renewing of the Holy Ghost;” Titus 3:5

“Who hath saved us, and called us with an holy calling, not according to our works, but according to His own purpose and grace, which was given us in Christ Jesus before the world began,” 2 Timothy 1:9

In other words, there is nothing we can do to start, help, or finish the process of salvation. Salvation is not connected to any work or good deed we could do. It is entirely by God’s grace.

“Who will have all men to be saved, and to come unto the knowledge of the truth.” 1 Timothy 2:4

“The Lord is not slack concerning His promise, as some men count slackness; but is longsuffering to us-ward, not willing that any should perish, but that all should come to repentance.” 2 Peter 3:9

We are elect through belief.

“But we are bound to give thanks always to God for you, brethren beloved of the Lord, because God hath from the beginning chosen you to salvation through sanctification of the Spirit and belief of the truth:” 2 Thessalonians 2:13

“Elect according to the foreknowledge of God the Father, through sanctification of the Spirit, unto obedience and sprinkling of the blood of Jesus Christ: Grace unto you, and peace, be multiplied.” 1 Peter 1:2

“Wherefore the rather, brethren, give diligence to make your calling and election sure: for if ye do these things, ye shall never fall” 2 Peter 1:10

You must watch yourself carefully to make your election real. This shows us a conditional election. You are part of the elect on the condition that you make it a sure thing. You do that by exercising your free will and accepting the gift God’s wants to give you.

Paul said belief is not a work.

“But to him that worketh not, but believeth on Him that justifieth the ungodly, his faith is counted for righteousness.” Romans 4:5

“No man can come to Me, except the Father which hath sent Me draw him: and I will raise him up at the last day.” John 6:44

“And when the Gentiles heard this, they were glad, and glorified the word of the Lord: and as many as were ordained to eternal life believed.” Acts 13:48

“For whom He did foreknow, He also did predestinate to be conformed to the image of His Son, that He might be the firstborn among many brethren.” Romans 8:29

“Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath blessed us with all spiritual blessings in heavenly places in Christ: according as He hath chosen us in Him before the foundation of the world, that we should be holy and without blame before Him in love: having predestinated us unto the adoption of children by Jesus Christ to Himself, according to the good pleasure of His will” Ephesians 1:3-5

We need to guard ourselves because salvation is based on belief.

“Take heed, brethren, lest there be in any of you an evil heart of unbelief, in departing from the living God.” Hebrews 3:12

“Seeing therefore it remaineth that some must enter therein, and they to whom it was first preached entered not in because of unbelief:” Hebrews 4:6

“Let us labour therefore to enter into that rest, lest any man fall after the same example of unbelief.” Hebrews 4:11

Quotes of the Ancient Church Fathers

Justin Martyr, AD 165

Second Apology 7 – Man acts by his own free will and not by fate.

Dialogue 88 – Men and angels have free will. The human race, from Adam forward, has fallen under the power of death and the guile of the serpent, so that each one of us has committed personal transgression.

Dialogue 102 – He created both angels and men free to do that which is righteous, and He appointed periods of time during which He knew it would be good for them to have the exercise of free will; and because He likewise knew it would be good, He made general and particular judgments; each one’s freedom of will, however, being guarded.

Dialogue 141 – God created men and angels free to do righteousness; possessing reason, that they may know by whom they are created, and through whom they, not existing formerly, do now exist; and with a law that they should be judged by Him, if they do anything contrary to right reason: and of ourselves, we, men and angels, shall be convicted of having acted sinfully, unless we repent beforehand. But if the word of God foretells that some angels and men shall be certainly punished, it did so because it foreknew that they would be unchangeably wicked, but not because God had created them so.

Tatian, AD 165

Greeks 7 – Jesus created men and angels with free will. Jesus had foreknowledge of what free agents would do. There is no such thing as fate.

Greeks 9 – Demons invented the concept of fate with astrology to enslave man into worshiping them.

Greeks 11 – Our free will enslaved us to sin. [Rom 7] but we can choose to follow righteousness now.

Irenaeus, AD 177

Against Heresies 4.29 – God only blinds the minds of those who chose not to believe and have already rejected Him. In Romans [1], those who would not retain God in their knowledge He gave over to a reprobate mind. In 2 Thessalonians [2], strong delusion is sent to believe the lie. God knows the number of those who will not believe, since He foreknows all things, and has given them over to unbelief. God has foreknowledge of all things.

Against Heresies 4.37 – God made man a free agent from the beginning. This is the ancient law of human liberty, for there is no coercion with God. In man, as well as in angels, He has placed the power of choice. The Gnostic teaching that some men are born good, and others are born bad, is wrong. Everyone has the power to reject the gospel. God has free will and we do, too, because we are made in His image. God preserved the will of man free and under his own control. We will be brought to perfection in the resurrection. Romans [8] refers to the church being predestined to be conformed to the image of Christ.

Against Heresies 4.39 – Man has the ability to distinguish good from evil. He has the power by his own free will to perform God’s commandments. This is taught in Romans [2]. God does not compel people to salvation, so those who have apostatized have done so through their own fault. God allows them to blind themselves.

Clement of Alexandria, AD 192

Stromata 2.3 – Christians teach saving faith is a gift that starts with God and is accepted by free choice.

Stromata 2.4 – The ability to freely choose salvation is a gift [started by] God, but true faith produces repentance.

Stromata 5.3 – Faith is the rational assent of the soul exercising free will.

Stromata 5.12 – The Holy Spirit opens the minds of believers.

Stromata 7.2 – Jesus persuades, but never compels us to salvation.

Tertullian, AD 190-210

Marcion 2.5 – Man has free will.

Marcion 2.23 – It is not the mark of a good God to condemn beforehand persons who have not yet deserved condemnation. Who is so faultless among men, that God could always have him in His choice, and never be able to reject him? Or who, on the other hand, is so void of any good work, that God could reject him forever, and never be able to choose him?

Minucius Felix, AD 210

36 – The mind of man is free from birth and remains free throughout his life.

Origen, AD 230

Against Celsus 4:70 – Man has free will.

Against Celsus 7.50 – Jesus’ sacrifice was for newborn infants also, since no one is born free from sin.

Limited Atonement

Calvinist Definition WRONG

Jesus’ work on the cross atoned for the sins of only a select few. All the others have no chance to be saved and are predestined for hell.

Arminian Definition CORRECT

Jesus’ work on the cross atoned for the sins of all mankind. Those who reject Him have no chance to be saved and are eternally lost.

Pelagian Definition WRONG

Jesus’ work on the cross atoned for the sins of all mankind. This covers the sin nature and unintentional sins. You must pay for willful sins.

BIBLICAL POSITION

Jesus’ death on the cross paid for the sins of the whole world, not just a select few. This atonement is not limited. Peter says it is a heresy to state that the Lord did not die for all men. It is not His “good pleasure” to send anyone to hell.

“For I have no pleasure in the death of him that dieth, saith the Lord GOD: wherefore turn yourselves, and live ye.” Ezekiel 18:32

“For this is good and acceptable in the sight of God our Saviour; Who will have all men to be saved, and to come unto the knowledge of the truth.” 1 Timothy 2:3-4

“For there is one God, and one mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus; Who gave Himself a ransom for all, to be testified in due time.” 1 Timothy 2:5-6

“But we see Jesus, who was made a little lower than the angels for the suffering of death, crowned with glory and honour; that He by the grace of God should taste death for every man.” Hebrews 2:9

“And He is the propitiation for our sins: and not for ours only, but also for the sins of the whole world.” 1 John 2:2

“But there were false prophets also among the people, even as there shall be false teachers among you, who privily shall bring in damnable heresies, even denying the Lord that bought them, and bring upon themselves swift destruction.” 2 Peter 2:1

“To wit, that God was in Christ, reconciling the world unto Himself, not imputing their trespasses unto them; and hath committed unto us the word of reconciliation.” 2 Corinthians 5:19

“And we have seen and do testify that the Father sent the Son to be the Saviour of the world.” 1 John 4:14

“For God so loved the world, that He gave His only begotten Son, that whosoever believeth in Him should not perish, but have everlasting life. For God sent not His Son into the world to condemn the world; but that the world through Him might be saved.” John 3:16-17

“For whosoever shall call upon the name of the Lord shall be saved.” Romans 10:13 KJV

Please notice Paul’s comment in Romans 3. Salvation is to all that believe because all have sinned. Either salvation is obtainable to every single person for all have sinned, or, if Calvinism is true, salvation is to all the elect. Then only the elect have sinned. So the ones God condemns to hell are sinless?

“But now the righteousness of God without the law is manifested, being witnessed by the law and the prophets; even the righteousness of God which is by faith of Jesus Christ unto all and upon all them that believe: for there is no difference: For all have sinned, and come short of the glory of God” Romans 3:21­23

Assurance

Calvinism teaches that some are predestined for salvation and others to hell and that outcome cannot be changed. If this were true, no one would know if he or she were saved until after death. That’s a scary thought; however, John says there is a way you can know for sure.

“These things have I written unto you that believe on the name of the Son of God; that ye may know that ye have eternal life, and that ye may believe on the name of the Son of God.” 1 John 5:13

Quotes of the Ancient Church Fathers

Justin Martyr, AD 165

Second Apology 7 – Man acts by his own free will and not by fate.

Tatian, AD 165

Greeks 7 – Jesus created men and angels with free will. Jesus had foreknowledge of what free agents would do. There is no such thing as fate.

Irenaeus, AD 177

Against Heresies 4.37 – God made man a free agent from the beginning. This is the ancient law of human liberty, for there is no coercion with God. In man, as well as in angels, He has placed the power of choice. The Gnostic teaching that some men are born good, and others are born bad, is wrong. Everyone has the power to reject the gospel. God has free will and we do, too, because we are made in His image. God preserved the will of man free and under his own control. We will be brought to perfection in the resurrection. Romans [8] refers to the church being predestined to be conformed to the image of Christ.

Irresistible Grace

Calvinist Definition WRONG

God will draw only those whom He elects for salvation with an irresistible grace. There is no way they can refuse. Those whom He refuses to draw are those whom He has chosen to unelect, or destined for hell, because if He did draw them they would all be saved and that would not please Him.

Arminian Definition CORRECT

God’s grace is resistible. God draws everyone by His grace. Those who respond will be granted eternal life and those who willfully choose not to respond to God’s free gift will be damned.

Pelagian Definition WRONG

God does not need any kind of grace to draw people. Each individual can come to the conclusion on their own and accept salvation.

BIBLICAL POSITION

The Holy Spirit draws men to Himself with grace.

“No man can come to Me, except the Father which hath sent Me draw him: and I will raise him up at the last day.” John 6:44

“All that the Father giveth Me shall come to Me; and him that cometh to Me I will in no wise cast out… And this is the Father’s will which hath sent Me, that of all which He hath given Me I should lose nothing, but should raise it up again at the last day.” John 6:37, 39

But this drawing can be resisted.

“O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, the one who kills the prophets and stones those who are sent to her! How often I wanted to gather your children together, as a hen gathers her chicks under her wings, but you were not willing!” Matthew 23:37 NKJV

If the Calvinists were right, no one would know who the elect were and who they were not. But the apostle John states believers can know for sure that they are saved.

“These things I have written to you who believe in the name of the Son of God, that you may know that you have eternal life, and that you may continue to believe in the name of the Son of God.” 1 John 5:13 NKJV

It is Satan who takes away the Word from the minds of the people so they would not accept Christ by believing the gospel and become saved. It is not God who forces this to happen. God’s grace is resistible.

“Those by the way side are they that hear; then cometh the devil, and taketh away the word out of their hearts, lest they should believe and be saved.” Luke 8:12

If grace cannot be resisted and God only selects a few, how can whole houses be saved just by believing?

“And they said, Believe on the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved, and thy house.” Acts 16:31

Anyone who believes will be saved.

“That if thou shalt confess with thy mouth the Lord Jesus, and shalt believe in thine heart that God hath raised Him from the dead, thou shalt be saved. For with the heart man believeth unto righteousness; and with the mouth confession is made unto salvation.” Romans 10:9-10

We are sealed by the Holy Spirit after we confess and believe. Belief starts the process; it is not a result of being forced into regeneration.

“In whom ye also trusted, after that ye heard the word of truth, the gospel of your salvation: in whom also after that ye believed, ye were sealed with that Holy Spirit of promise,” Ephesians 1:13

Quotes of the Ancient Church Fathers

“Man has the ability to distinguish good from evil. He has the power by his own free will to perform God’s commandments. This is taught in Romans [chapter 2]. God does not compel people to salvation, so those who have apostatized have done so through their own fault. God allows them to blind themselves.” Irenaeus, Against Heresies 4.39

“The ability to freely choose salvation is a gift given by God. True faith produces repentance.” Clement of  Alexandria, Stromata 2.4

Perseverance of the Saints

Calvinist Definition WRONG

The elect will persevere in Calvinism and doing good works. However, some of the unelect will confess Calvinism and do good works also. Therefore, no one can know for sure if they are truly saved in this life. We have to wait and see.

Arminian Definition CORRECT

Every single person who truly believes the gospel message and accepts Jesus Christ as their Lord and Savior will be saved.

Pelagian Definition WRONG

Anyone who is careful to never sin is assured eternal life. Those who have sinned will not know for sure until the resurrection.

Gnostic Definition WRONG

Certain individuals who have a spirit that is a direct creation or emanation of a god or goddess have eternal life abiding in them. They always have had, and always will have, eternal life.

We are secure in the salvation given to us in Christ Jesus. We cannot accidently lose it. We do not have to wait and see if we will obtain it. We have it right now. John says:

“These things have I written unto you that believe on the name of the Son of God; that ye may know that ye have eternal life, and that ye may believe on the name of the Son of God.” 1 John 5:13

The question then remains: how do we distinguish between those who are truly saved and those who just think they are? The Calvinist usually says it is by the fact that they endorse Calvinism and continue doing some form of good works. This is called the perseverance of the saints, which they get from Ephesians:

“Praying always with all prayer and supplication in the Spirit, and watching thereunto with all perseverance and supplication for all saints” Ephesians 6:18

But wait. There are good and bad people predestined for hell, and both godly and evil people predestined for heaven, according to the Calvinistic doctrine of unconditional election. So if Calvinism is true, there is no way anyone can know for sure he is saved. It’s very odd that Calvinists can state that it’s all by God’s grace, not by any works of man that we are saved. And yet they state we are the elect based on our good works!

Scripturally, we can know for sure we are saved:

“These things have I written unto you that believe on the name of the Son of God; that ye may know that ye have eternal life, and that ye may believe on the name of the Son of God.” 1 John 5:13

And we can tell we are saved by:

“But he that shall endure unto the end, the same shall be saved.” Matthew 24:13

Everyone who continues to believe Jesus Christ is Lord and Savior currently has, and is guaranteed to continue to have, eternal life. It’s by God’s grace and your exercising your free will.

“Abide in Me, and I in you. As the branch cannot bear fruit of itself, except it abide in the vine; no more can ye, except ye abide in Me.” John 15:4

Eternal Security

Some have erroneously thought that the Calvinistic doctrine of the Perseverance of the Saints is the same doctrine as the eternal security of the believer. This is the idea that a true believer cannot lose their salvation. While Calvinists must believe this because if a person cannot do anything about his salvation, and God chooses to force a person to be saved, then obviously you cannot do anything about losing it, either.

The non-Calvinists denominations are divided on the issue of whether or not people can lose their salvation. Compare the Baptists and the Holiness groups below.

BAPTIST DENOMINATIONS: no believer can walk away from being a member of the body of Christ and is therefore eternally secure in his or her salvation.
HOLINESS DENOMINATIONS: each believer can walk away from being a member of the body of Christ and can therefore loose his or her salvation.

Both groups are non-Calvinists and both agree that no one is decreed to be saved based on anything other than God’s foreknowledge of who would accept the free gift of salvation and become a part of the body of Christ.

“Even so faith, if it hath not works, is dead, being alone. Yea, a man may say, Thou hast faith, and I have works: shew me thy faith without thy works, and I will shew thee my faith by my works.” James 2:17-18

James is saying a true believer who has eternal life abiding in him will show it by good works, which are defined as continuing to believe that Jesus is Lord and continuing to follow His commands.

“Moreover, brethren, I declare unto you the gospel which I preached unto you, which also ye have received, and wherein ye stand; by which also ye are saved, if ye keep in memory what I preached unto you, unless ye have believed in vain.” 1 Corinthians 15:1-2 KJV

Neo-Calvinists

Today there are groups of what is being termed Neo-Calvinists, who no longer teach that holiness and good works mark those who are saved, but they are saved because they say so and there is no need to practice a lifestyle of holiness to prove they are the elect. These people are often heard using curse words from the pulpit and admitting they indulge in sinful acts without remorse. This is the same result the predestination theology had among the Gnostic cults.

Quotes of the Ancient Church Fathers

Ignatius, 30-107 AD

Ephesians 14 – No man truly making a profession of faith sins; nor does he that possesses love, hate anyone. The tree is made manifest by its fruit; so those that profess themselves to be Christians shall be recognized by their conduct. For there is not now a demand for mere profession, but that a man be found continuing in the power of faith to the end.

Tertullian, AD 200

Valintians 1.29 – [Valentinus taught] some are not predestined to be saved, but predestined for hell, but the rest might be saved through works.

Valintians 1.30 – [Valentinus taught] those predestined for salvation do not need to practice good works.

Minor Points

These are points that should be considered in dealing with Calvinism but are not part of the main five doctrines of TULIP. I think knowing about these will help in any debates that Calvinists might bring up.

Predestination

Calvinist Definition WRONG

Certain individuals are predestined for salvation, based solely on God’s good pleasure. All others are damned to an eternal hell based solely on that same good pleasure of God.

Gnostic Definition WRONG

Certain individuals are predestined for salvation based solely on the fact that they are an emanation of a god or goddess. All others who are not a special creation of a god or goddess with a piece of that god or goddess in them, are destined to spend eternity in hell.

Arminian Definition CORRECT

The body of Christ as a whole is predestined to be conformed to the image of Christ. Each person who uses his free will to accept the free gift of salvation (which God draws him to by His grace and by the power of the Holy Spirit) will be saved, becoming a part of that predestined body of Christ.

Pelagian Definition WRONG

Since God is not willing that any perish and He has predestined the body of Christ to be saved, it follows then that all men are already members of the body of Christ. Hence every person that has ever lived is saved.

BIBLICAL POSITION

The Bible does use the word predestination; but, we need to define what the word means and not read into the text what is not there. The Calvinistic definition of predestination differs slightly from the Gnostic definition of predestination and a great deal from the Arminian / biblical definition of predestination.

The biblical position is that those who choose to accept Jesus as their Lord and Savior obtain salvation. In Romans, Paul teaches that in some sense God foreordained or predestined them to be saved. This predestination was based on God’s foreknowledge. See the chapter on foreknowledge for a complete definition. Here are the verses in Scripture that used the Greek word, proorizō, for predestination. I have underlined the words the KJV translates the Greek word as “predestinated” or “ordained.”

“For whom He did foreknow, He also did predestinate to be conformed to the image of His Son, that He might be the firstborn among many brethren. Moreover whom He did predestinate, them He also called: and whom He called, them He also justified: and whom He justified, them He also glorified.” Romans 8:29-30 KJV

Having predestinated us unto the adoption of children by Jesus Christ to Himself, according to the good pleasure of His will, Ephesians 1:5

In whom also we have obtained an inheritance, being predestinated according to the purpose of Him who worketh all things after the counsel of His own will: Ephesians 1:11

But we speak the wisdom of God in a mystery, even the hidden wisdom, which God ordained before the world unto our glory: 1 Corinthians 2:7

The ancient church fathers called this Gnostic / Calvinistic concept of being sealed for salvation or damnation before you were even born, “fate.”

Quotes of the Ancient Church Fathers

Justin Martyr, AD 165

Second Apology 7 – Man acts by his own free will and not by fate.

Dialogue 141 –But if the word of God foretells that some angels and men shall be certainly punished, it did so because it foreknew that they would be unchangeably wicked, but not because God had created them so.

Irenaeus, AD 177

Against Heresies 4.39 – Man has the ability to distinguish good from evil. God does not compel people to salvation, so those who have apostatized have done so through their own fault. God allows them to blind themselves.

Tatian, AD 165

Greeks 7 – Jesus created men and angels with free will. Jesus had foreknowledge of what free agents would do. There is no such thing as fate.

Mathetes AD 130

Epistle to Diognetus 7 – Jesus, who is God come in the flesh, came to persuade, not compel us, to salvation because violence has no part in the character of God.

Foreknowledge

Calvinist Definition WRONG

God foreknew those few He wished to pick to save and give eternal life to, and those He wished to send to hell.

Arminian Definition CORRECT

God knows what will happen in the future, including each person’s choice to become a believer or to reject the gift of salvation. All believers, the whole body of Christ, will be saved. All the followers of other religions will not be saved.

BIBLICAL POSITION

God elects some to salvation based on His foreknowledge.

“For whom He did foreknow, He also did predestinate to be conformed to the image of His Son, that He might be the firstborn among many brethren. Moreover whom He did predestinate, them He also called: and whom He called, them He also justified: and whom He justified, them He also glorified. What shall we then say to these things? If God be for us, who can be against us?” Romans 8:29-31

“And when the Gentiles heard this, they were glad, and glorified the word of the Lord: and as many as were ordained to eternal life believed.” Acts 13:48

Calvinists argue that individuals, not the body of Christ, are predestined for salvation. In order to do this they must redefine “foreknowledge” to mean not knowledge of a future “event” but intimate knowledge of a “person.” That would be the only way to prove that God does not elect people based on the “event,” the moment they accepted Jesus as their Savior. Calvinists say these individuals have no choice in the matter.

If it can be demonstrated that the first century church and secular society before, during, and after the first century used the word “foreknowledge” to mean the knowledge of a future event, and never used it in any other way, then Calvinism falls apart. Look at these Scriptures and you will see God in His foreknowledge predestined the body of Christ to salvation.

“God hath not cast away His people which He foreknew.” Romans 11:2

“Forasmuch as ye know that ye were not redeemed with corruptible things, as silver and gold, from your vain conversation received by tradition from your fathers; but with the precious blood of Christ, as of a lamb without blemish and without spot: Who verily was foreordained before the foundation of the world, but was manifest in these last times for you, who by Him do believe in God, that raised Him up from the dead, and gave Him glory; that your faith and hope might be in God.” 1 Peter 1:18-21

“Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who hath blessed us with all spiritual blessings in heavenly places in Christ: according as He hath chosen us in Him before the foundation of the world, that we should be holy and without blame before Him in love: having predestinated us unto the adoption of children by Jesus Christ to Himself, according to the good pleasure of His will, to the praise of the glory of His grace, wherein He hath made us accepted in the beloved.” Ephesians 1:3-6

“Peter, an apostle of Jesus Christ, to the strangers scattered throughout Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia, elect according to the foreknowledge of God the Father, through sanctification of the Spirit, unto obedience and sprinkling of the blood of Jesus Christ: Grace unto you, and peace, be multiplied.” 1 Peter 1:1-2

Calvinism bases its whole concept of foreknowledge on one verse in Scripture: Acts 2:23.

“Him, being delivered by the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God, ye have taken, and by wicked hands have crucified and slain:” Acts 2:23

The Greek of this passage is vague enough to mean either Jesus was delivered by the “council and foreknowledge” or by the “council which is the foreknowledge” of God. You will constantly hear Calvinists quote this verse and state that it proved beyond a shadow of a doubt that the word “foreknowledge” never referred to God or a prophet knowing an “event,” but knowing a “person.”

The Bible is full of examples of prophets predicting events like earthquakes, so foreknowledge is God knowing everything, including events and people. The following quotes from the ancient church fathers prove they believed God had foreknowledge of both people and events.

Quotes of the Ancient Church Fathers

Clement of Rome, AD 90

1 Clement 44 – Our apostles also knew, through our Lord Jesus Christ, that there would be strife on account of the office of the Episcopate. For this reason, therefore, inasmuch as they had obtained a perfect foreknowledge of this, they appointed those [ministers] already mentioned, and afterwards gave instructions, that when these should fall asleep, other approved men should succeed them in their ministry.

Justin Martyr, AD165

Dialogue with Trypho 35 – So that, in consequence of these events, we know that Jesus foreknew what would happen after Him, as well as in consequence of many other events which He foretold would befall those who believed on and confessed Him, the Christ.

Dialogue with Trypho 42 – I can demonstrate that they were types, and symbols, and declarations of those things which would happen to Christ, of those who it was foreknown were to believe in Him, and of those things which would also be done by Christ Himself. Dialogue with Trypho 70 – The people foreknown to believe in Him were foreknown to pursue diligently the fear of the Lord.

Dialogue with Trypho 82 – We know that He foreknew all that would happen to us after His resurrection.

Irenaeus, AD 177

Against Heresies 2.32.1 – [Christians] have foreknowledge of things to come: they see visions, and utter prophetic expressions.

Against Heresies 4.29 – God only blinds the minds of those who chose not to believe and have already rejected Him. In Romans [1], those who would not retain God in their knowledge He gave them over to a reprobate mind. In 2 Thessalonians [2], strong delusion is sent to them so they will believe the lie. God knows the number of those who will not believe, since He foreknows all things, and has given them over to unbelief. God has foreknowledge of all things.

Tatian, AD 166

Greeks 7 – Jesus created men and angels with free will. Jesus had foreknowledge of what free agents would do. There is no such thing as fate.

Clement of Alexandria, AD 190

Instructor 9 – [Jesus shows] His divinity in His foreknowledge of what would take place.

Stromata 12 – Again, prophecy is foreknowledge; and knowledge, the understanding of prophecy; being the knowledge of those things known before by the Lord who reveals all things.

Stromata 6:8 – The disciple of wisdom foreknows signs and omens, and the issues of seasons and of times.

Origen, AD 240

Of First Principles 3:13 – [God] knows the secret things of the heart, and foreknows the future.

Early Spurgeon vs. Late Spurgeon

  • 1858 — Spurgeon is 24 and makes his extremely strong anti-Arminian statement.
  • 1862 — age 28, he says there is truth in both Calvinism and Arminianism.
  • 1876 — age 42, he says the Calvinist is right on some points and the Arminian on others.
  • 1881 — age 47, he says he is content being called an “Arminian Calvinist” or “Calvinistic Arminian,” provided he stays close to Scripture.

That and the below is adapted from Andrew Hnatiuk

This is what I mean when I talk about “early” and “late” Spurgeon.

When Spurgeon was a young pastor, taking over the now-famous New Park Street Chapel at just 19 years old, he could speak about Calvinism with remarkable certainty. At 22, he famously said:

“Calvinism is the gospel, and nothing else.”

Two years later, at 24, he could say:

“A mutable god may be the god for the Arminian—he is not the god for me.”

But something changed as Spurgeon grew older.

As he matured in his faith, spent years shepherding a congregation, and rubbed shoulders with actual people in the pews, his language became considerably more nuanced. He didn’t simply abandon Calvinism, but he became increasingly unwilling to force every biblical text into a theological system.

At 28, he put it this way:

“There is some truth in Calvinism and some in Arminianism, and he who would hold the whole Truth of God must neither be cramped by the one system nor bound by the other, but take Truth wherever he can find it in the Bible.”

That is a significant change from the young Spurgeon who could confidently declare, “Calvinism is the gospel, and nothing else.”

And Spurgeon continued moving in this direction.

“Preaching Like an Arminian, but Sleeping as a Calvinist”

By 1876, at the age of 42, Spurgeon reflected on the long-running debate between Calvinists and Arminians and acknowledged that both sides had captured important truths—and that both sides had also fallen into error.

He wrote:

“There has long been a great doctrinal discussion between the Calvinists and the Arminians upon many important points. I am myself persuaded that the Calvinist alone is right upon some points, and the Arminian alone is right upon others. There is a great deal of truth in the positive side of both systems, and a great deal of error in the negative side of both.”

Then he made the point even more plainly:

“If I was asked, ‘Why is a man damned?’ I should answer as an Arminian answers, ‘He destroys himself.’”

This is the Spurgeon I have in mind when I distinguish between early and late Spurgeon. The one who said in an 1863 sermon The Minister’s Stock-Taking contains language that sounds remarkably different from his 1858 rhetoric:

“Do I hear some one say, ‘Why, that is Arminianism!’ Precisely so.”

The older Spurgeon was still unmistakably Calvinistic in many respects, but he was increasingly uncomfortable with the idea that every biblical statement had to conform neatly to either the Calvinist or Arminian system.

“An Arminian Calvinist or a Calvinistic Arminian”

By 1881, Spurgeon was 47 years old, and his position had become even more explicit.

He had been called both “an Arminian Calvinist” and “a Calvinistic Arminian”—and, rather remarkably, he didn’t seem particularly bothered by either label.

Instead, his concern was whether his theology remained faithful to Scripture.

“What a host of revised versions we have! Everybody has one of his own. Certain texts which will not fit into our system must be planed and cut down. Have you ever seen the hard work that some Brethren have to shape a Scripture to their mind? One text is not Calvinistic, it looks rather Arminian—of course it cannot be so and, therefore, they twist and tug to get it right. As for our Arminian Brethren, it is wonderful to see how they hammer away at the 9th Chapter of Romans—steam-hammers and screw-jacks are nothing to their appliances for getting rid of Election from that chapter! We have all been guilty of racking Scripture, more or less, and it will be well to have done with the evil, forever! We had far better be inconsistent with ourselves than with the Inspired Word of God.”

And then Spurgeon gives us the key to understanding the whole progression:

“I have been called an Arminian Calvinist or a Calvinistic Arminian and I am quite content so long as I can keep close to my Bible. I desire to preach what I find in this Book whether I find it in anybody else’s book or not.”

That, to me, is the crucial distinction.

The question isn’t whether Spurgeon remained a Calvinist. Clearly, much of his theology remained deeply Calvinistic. The more interesting question is whether the later Spurgeon was willing to let Scripture challenge the boundaries of his theological system.

And by his own words, the answer appears to be yes.

He would rather be “inconsistent” with his theological system than inconsistent with the inspired Word of God.


UPDATED THOUGHT
via a quote


I came across this quote of Spurgeon…. and so I asked GROK when this quote was in Spurgeon’s life. [As an aside, I will fix it at the end.]

Here is GROK’S input:

Around 1850 (when he was about 15–16), as a personal reflection on his conversion and early embrace of the doctrines of grace; the written form comes from his later autobiographical chapter “A Defense of Calvinism.”

The exact wording in your image is from Charles Spurgeon’s Autobiography (Volume 1, covering 1834–1854), specifically the chapter titled “A Defense of Calvinism.” In it, he recounts how he came to believe the doctrine of election after his conversion. He writes that he was “born… an Arminian” by nature, initially thought he was seeking God on his own, and then realized God must have been at work first: “I believe the doctrine of election, because I am quite certain that, if God had not chosen me, I should never have chosen Him; and I am sure He chose me before I was born, or else He never would have chosen me afterwards; and He must have elected me for reasons unknown to me, for I never could find any reason in myself why He should have looked upon me with special love.”

  • Spurgeon was born on June 19, 1834.
  • He was converted in January 1850 (age 15) in a Primitive Methodist chapel in Colchester during a snowstorm, after hearing a sermon on Isaiah 45:22.
  • The chapter places these reflections in the period right after that conversion and his early steps into the doctrines of grace (still in his mid-to-late teens). Volume 1 of the autobiography covers through 1854, when he was about 20 and beginning his London ministry.

He began writing autobiographical material in later years (mainly during quieter periods at Mentone in the 1880s). The full Autobiography was compiled after his death (1892) by his wife Susannah and his secretary Joseph Harrald and published starting in 1897–1898. So the quote is his mature reflection on convictions he formed as a teenager, not a dated public sermon from a single year.

One secondary source incorrectly links a similar phrasing to a 1855 New Park Street sermon on election, but the precise wording matches the autobiography chapter. Spurgeon expressed parallel ideas about election in early sermons (such as the September 2, 1855 sermon on 2 Thessalonians 2:13–14), but the full personal statement in the image is from the autobiography.

As the first part of this post notes, in similar fashion to Augustine changing his mind on things later in his like…

  • From an old earth/creation view to a very young age of creation (Here)
  • Arguing against his past Gnostic origins to inserting them into church dogma (Here , Here, and Here)

… Spurgeon likewise tempered his early “Cage-Stagism” with coming to change his mind on certain topics as he matured in the faith. He changed his views on a few key points… not Roman’s 9, but who knows if he had lived longer. His main point from the end of his career was:

  • Don’t defend Calvinism at the expense of Scripture. Don’t defend Arminianism at the expense of Scripture. Don’t defend Provisionism at the expense of Scripture. Defend what Scripture actually says, even when it makes your theological system uncomfortable.

At least he has a proper understanding of election now.

So here is the change to the graphic:

 

Sproul Distorts Sola Fide

I saw this graphic to the right on the Eff Bee (Facebook) and had to comment.

The deeper problem with Sproul’s condemnation of Rome is that his own theology raises a fundamental question about the power and purpose of the gospel itself. Sproul insists that Rome’s rejection of sola fide places it under God’s condemnation, yet his own theological system teaches that the gospel cannot bring an unregenerate person to saving faith unless God first regenerates that person. In this framework, faith is not the response through which a spiritually dead sinner receives life, but the consequence and evidence that God has already imparted spiritual life.

The sinner does not believe and thereby receive life; the sinner believes because God has already made him spiritually alive. Consequently, the gospel message, considered apart from this prior, effectual work of regeneration, cannot produce the very response it commands. The decisive factor is not simply that Christ has been proclaimed, or that the hearer has been confronted with the truth, but whether God has already chosen that individual for the inward work that makes faith possible.

If the gospel is proclaimed to everyone, but only the elect receive the regeneration necessary to believe it, in what meaningful sense is the gospel itself the power that brings sinners to faith?

The message announces Christ, commands repentance and faith, and promises eternal life to the believer. Yet under Sproul’s understanding of total inability and unconditional election, the same message cannot bring two equally unregenerate hearers to faith unless God effectually intervenes in one but not the other. The difference is not ultimately the content or truth of the gospel, nor a response made possible by the grace accompanying its proclamation, but God’s prior decision to regenerate one hearer while passing over another. The gospel is preached to both, but only one receives the antecedent divine action necessary to believe. This creates a serious tension between the universal scope of the gospel invitation and a system in which the ability to respond savingly is restricted to those whom God has individually chosen to receive effectual regeneration.

The problem becomes especially acute when Sproul condemns Rome for allegedly compromising the gospel while presenting his own system as the faithful defense of it. The question is not merely whether Sproul formally affirms that justification is by faith alone. It is whether his understanding of election, inability, and regeneration preserves the biblical presentation of the gospel as God’s means of calling sinners to salvation through faith in Christ. If the gospel cannot be savingly received until an individual has already undergone the decisive work of regeneration, then faith functions as the result of a prior saving intervention rather than the response through which the sinner receives the life Christ promises. Sproul may distinguish regeneration from justification and insist that faith alone is the instrument of justification, but that distinction does not answer the deeper objection: why must the sinner be regenerated before he can believe the very gospel through which God calls him to believe? And if God alone determines who receives that enabling intervention, what becomes of the claim that the gospel invitation genuinely addresses every hearer as someone who may respond to its promise?

This is why the challenge to Sproul must begin with election and the alleged inability of the non-elect to believe, not merely with perseverance. Perseverance is downstream from the prior question of who can believe and why. If only the elect can respond because only they receive the regeneration that makes faith possible, then the decisive dividing line between those who believe and those who do not is established before the gospel is heard. The gospel may announce the same Christ and the same promise to everyone, but, within this system, it cannot bring everyone to the response it commands because the necessary inward work is withheld from some by divine decree. Sproul therefore cannot simply invoke sola fide to condemn Rome without answering whether his own doctrine of unconditional election and regeneration before faith preserves the gospel’s promise and purpose.

The central question is not merely whether faith must persevere, but whether the gospel is genuinely the means through which sinners are called to believe—or whether its saving effect has already been determined by an act of election and regeneration that precedes their response.

Introduction: What Does It Mean to Be Saved by Faith Alone?

The Protestant Reformation championed sola fide—justification by faith alone. The doctrine was intended to preserve the biblical distinction between God’s gracious provision of salvation in Jesus Christ and the sinner’s reception of that salvation through faith. Faith does not earn salvation, contribute human merit to Christ’s finished work, or constitute a work of righteousness by which the sinner merits God’s favor. It is the means by which the sinner receives the promise of eternal life in Christ.

Yet a crucial question arises when examining the theology of R.C. Sproul and other prominent Calvinists: Does their understanding of regeneration, saving faith, and perseverance preserve the practical meaning of sola fide, or does it introduce additional theological requirements that substantially alter how the gospel is understood and proclaimed?

Sproul’s own words provide a starting point:

“Unless we first receive the grace of regeneration, we will not and cannot respond to the gospel in a positive way. Regeneration must occur before there can be any positive response of faith.”

—R.C. Sproul, What Is Reformed Theology? Understanding the Basics (Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1997), 186.

This statement expresses the Calvinist doctrine that regeneration precedes faith. According to this understanding, fallen humanity cannot exercise saving faith until God first regenerates the sinner, giving the person a new spiritual disposition that enables belief in Christ.

The controversy is not whether salvation depends entirely upon God’s grace. The controversy concerns the relationship between grace, the proclamation of the gospel, faith, regeneration, and justification—and whether Calvinism’s definition of saving faith preserves faith as the sole instrument of justification without making additional characteristics of the believer necessary criteria for establishing that faith was genuine.

Three related questions deserve examination:

  1. Does Scripture teach that regeneration must precede faith?
  2. Does defining saving faith as necessarily productive of perseverance alter the practical meaning of justification by faith alone?
  3. Does this framework ground assurance in Christ’s promise or in the believer’s ability to demonstrate evidence of regeneration?

These questions are addressed not only by critics of Calvinism but also through historical studies of Reformed theology and scholarly examinations of Baptist soteriology.

1. Regeneration Before Faith: What Is the Gospel Calling People to Do?

Sproul’s statement places regeneration logically before faith. In his theological framework, the sinner does not believe in order to be regenerated. Rather, God regenerates the sinner so that the sinner can believe.

Sproul makes the distinction explicit elsewhere:

  • “We do not believe in order to be born again; we are born again in order to believe.”

The central question is whether this order is established by Scripture or imposed upon the biblical texts through a particular understanding of spiritual death and human inability.

Consider how Jesus describes the purpose of His message in John 20:31:

“But these are written so that you may believe that Jesus is the Messiah, the Son of God, and that by believing you may have life in his name.” (CSB)

The stated purpose is that people may believe and, by believing, have life in Christ’s name.

Likewise, John 5:24 declares that the person who hears Christ’s word and believes the Father has eternal life and has passed from death to life. In John 5:40, Jesus rebukes His hearers:

“But you are not willing to come to Me that you may have life.” (NKJV)

These passages present belief in Christ as the means of receiving life, not merely as the inevitable evidence that life has already been imparted through an antecedent act of regeneration.

Dave Hunt develops this objection in What Love Is This? Calvinism’s Misrepresentation of God, particularly in:

  • chapter 7, “Total Depravity,”
  • and chapter 21, “Persuasion, the Gospel and God.”

Hunt argues that the Calvinist inference from spiritual inability to regeneration before faith is not explicitly stated in Scripture. He appeals to passages such as John 1:12, John 20:31, Galatians 3:26, and 2 Timothy 3:15 to argue that faith in Christ is presented as the means of receiving life and becoming God’s child.

Hunt’s conclusion is that Calvinism reverses the biblical order by making regeneration the necessary prerequisite for the very faith through which the gospel calls people to receive eternal life.

The underlying exegetical question is important: Do these passages merely describe the experience of people who have already been regenerated, or do they establish the order in which faith and the reception of life are related?

Calvinists commonly respond that logical priority does not require a temporal interval between regeneration and faith. Regeneration and conversion may occur together in time while regeneration remains logically prior as their cause. That distinction must be acknowledged. The dispute is not necessarily about whether a person spends time regenerated but unbelieving. It is about whether regeneration is the necessary divine cause of faith in the first place.

The alternative interpretation argues that the gospel is genuinely addressed to sinners who are called to believe, and that Scripture’s descriptions of spiritual death do not independently establish the Calvinist doctrine of total inability.

2. Spiritual Death Does Not Automatically Establish Total Inability

Calvinism commonly interprets Ephesians 2:1—“And you were dead in your trespasses and sins”—as teaching that fallen people are unable to respond positively to the gospel until God first makes them spiritually alive. The argument is understandable:

if the spiritually dead are entirely incapable of responding to God, regeneration must precede faith.

But the conclusion depends on what spiritual death means in the context of Paul’s argument. Does the metaphor mean that unbelievers cannot respond to divine revelation in any positive way without prior regeneration, or does it describe their alienation from God, bondage to sin, and need for divine rescue?

Whosoever Will: A Biblical-Theological Critique of Five-Point Calvinism, edited by David L. Allen and Steve W. Lemke, examines this issue in its discussion of irresistible grace. The contributors challenge the assumption that spiritual death necessarily entails the complete inability to respond to God’s revealed truth.

The critique observes that Scripture uses several descriptions for those who are lost. People are described as perishing, alienated, estranged, and dead in sin. These descriptions emphasize the seriousness of their condition, but the meaning of each must be established by its context rather than imported from a single metaphor.

Similarly, What Love Is This? challenges the equation of depravity with an absolute inability to believe the gospel. Hunt argues that the Bible repeatedly calls people to repent, believe, hear, and respond to God’s message without explicitly instructing them that regeneration must first occur before such a response is possible.

The point is not that sinners can save themselves or that divine grace is unnecessary. The point is that the necessity of grace does not, by itself, establish the Calvinist account of how grace enables faith. A theological system may affirm human sinfulness, the necessity of Christ’s atonement, and the absolute dependence of salvation upon grace without concluding that saving faith must be the effect of a prior, unconditional act of regeneration.

That conclusion requires additional argument.

3. What Does the Historical Evidence Tell Us About Regeneration?

The historical question is more complicated than either side sometimes suggests.

In Why I Am Not a Calvinist, Jerry L. Walls and Joseph R. Dongell argue that Calvinism faces serious exegetical, philosophical, and theological difficulties. Their broader critique examines divine sovereignty, human freedom, the coherence of theological determinism, and the consequences of Calvinism for Christian life.

Their approach is particularly relevant because it challenges the assumption that Calvinism’s conclusions follow automatically from affirming God’s sovereignty and humanity’s dependence upon grace. The authors argue that the central theological questions involve God’s character and the adequacy of a system that makes all human choices ultimately determined by divine decree.

Their book is not simply a treatise on the timing of regeneration, and it should not be cited as though it settles every exegetical question about John 1 or Ephesians 2. Its contribution is broader: it challenges the theological framework within which regeneration preceding faith is commonly defended.

A more focused historical resource is Kenneth Stewart’s article, “The Doctrine of Regeneration in Evangelical Theology: The Reformation to 1800,” published in the Journal for Baptist Theology and Ministry, vol. 8, no. 1 (Spring 2011), pp. 42–57.

Stewart cautions that modern uses of regeneration do not always correspond precisely to the terminology used by early Protestant theologians. He observes that John Calvin frequently used regeneration to describe the renewal and transformation of the believer’s life, a concept closely related to what later theology often calls progressive sanctification. Calvin could also speak of regeneration as the beginning of spiritual life, so his usage was not uniform.

Stewart further traces the development of more explicit formulations of regeneration as the initial impartation of divine life. He notes that this conception became clearly articulated in Reformed theology by the time of the Synod of Dort in 1619. This historical evidence establishes an important qualification:

  • it would be inaccurate to claim that the doctrine of regeneration was simply invented in the eighteenth century or that no Reformation theologian understood regeneration as the beginning of spiritual life.

Nevertheless, Stewart’s study also demonstrates why historical terminology matters. The meaning assigned to regeneration must be examined in the context of the particular theologian and period. A modern statement that regeneration must precede faith cannot automatically be treated as identical to every earlier Protestant use of the term.

The relevant question is not merely whether earlier theologians believed in regeneration. It is how they understood its relationship to faith, conversion, justification, and the continuing renewal of the Christian life.

4. The Instrument of Justification and the Cause of Faith Are Different Questions

A careful critique must distinguish two questions:

  1. What is the basis and instrument of justification?
  2. What causes a person to exercise saving faith?

Sproul answers the second question by appealing to prior regeneration. He does not thereby explicitly deny that faith alone is the instrument of justification. Indeed, Reformed theology ordinarily maintains that justification is by faith alone while insisting that saving faith necessarily arises from God’s regenerating work.

Consequently, it would be inaccurate to argue that the doctrine of regeneration preceding faith, by itself, proves that Sproul explicitly denies sola fide. The more substantial objection concerns the consequences of this framework.

If faith is possible only after God has unilaterally regenerated a particular sinner, then faith is not merely the response to the gospel by which the sinner receives eternal life. Within this system, it is also the necessary consequence and evidence of an antecedent divine act that distinguishes the believer from the unbeliever. The question becomes:

What role does the gospel itself play in bringing a person to faith?

Is the gospel God’s power for salvation through the response of faith, or is an inward act of regeneration the decisive prerequisite that makes the gospel’s appeal effective for the elect? Calvinists answer that God ordinarily uses the gospel as the means through which He calls His people and brings them to faith. They do not generally teach that the gospel is irrelevant.

Nevertheless, the distinction remains important. The Calvinist account makes the sinner’s positive response dependent upon a prior, effectual work of regeneration that is not granted to everyone who hears the gospel. The non-Calvinist objection is that Scripture presents the gospel itself as God’s power for salvation and repeatedly identifies believing in Christ as the condition for receiving eternal life.

Romans 1:16 describes the gospel as God’s power for salvation to everyone who believes. Romans 10:17 connects faith with hearing the message of Christ. John 20:31 explicitly identifies believing as the means by which people may have life in Christ’s name.

These passages do not deny the necessity of grace. They challenge the claim that saving faith must be explained as the consequence of a logically prior regeneration that makes belief possible only for a particular group.

5. When “Faith Alone” Is Qualified by a Theological System

The controversy becomes more serious when we examine not only the Reformed definition of saving faith, but also the authority by which that definition is established. The principles of sola fide (faith alone) and sola Scriptura (Scripture alone) are closely connected here. If Scripture promises eternal life to the one who believes in Jesus Christ, can that promise be qualified by a theological system that requires prior regeneration to make faith possible and subsequent perseverance to establish that the faith was genuine?

This is a central concern raised by Micah Coate in A Cultish Side of Calvinism. Coate argues that Calvinism’s commitment to the five points of TULIP can conflict with its professed commitment to Scripture as the supreme authority for doctrine. He contends that the system’s conclusions are often driven by the theological framework inherited from John Calvin rather than derived consistently from the plain force of the biblical texts themselves. His criticism is not merely that Calvinists interpret certain verses differently. It is that the system can become the controlling framework through which Scripture must be interpreted, even when individual passages appear to challenge its conclusions.

That concern becomes particularly relevant when considering the Reformed doctrine of saving faith.

The Question Is More Than Whether Faith Produces Works

Many Calvinist theologians distinguish genuine saving faith from mere intellectual agreement. They argue that saving faith necessarily produces repentance, love, obedience, and perseverance. They also insist that works do not merit justification but instead provide evidence that a person has genuinely been regenerated and justified.

Their familiar formula expresses the distinction:

“We are justified by faith alone, but the faith that justifies is never alone.”

The existence of good works in a Christian’s life does not, by itself, contradict justification by faith alone. Nor does the biblical expectation that Christians grow in holiness. The more important question is what role works are assigned in determining whether a person has received eternal life and can know that he or she possesses it.

In A Defense of Free Grace Theology: With Respect to Saving Faith, Perseverance, and Assurance, the contributors challenge definitions of saving faith that make perseverance in good works an indispensable criterion for determining whether a person’s original faith was genuine. Coate raises a related objection in his discussion of the perseverance of the saints:

when perseverance becomes the necessary proof of election, believers are directed to examine their conduct and holiness to establish whether they belong to the elect.

Coate points to statements from Reformed theologians that connect final salvation or assurance to subsequent obedience and perseverance. His concern is that this framework can leave the believer looking backward at a record of spiritual performance to determine whether an earlier profession of faith was authentic. If a person fails to persevere, the explanation may be that the person was never genuinely saved.

The problem is not simply that Christians are encouraged to obey Christ. It is that the believer’s assurance may become dependent on demonstrating the right kind of faith through the right kind of life.

The Problem for Sola Fide: Is Faith Sufficient, or Must It Be Validated?

Consider the direct language of Scripture:

  • John 3:16: Whoever believes in the Son has eternal life.
  • John 5:24: The one who hears Christ’s word and believes the Father has eternal life, has passed from death to life, and does not come into judgment.
  • John 6:47: The one who believes has eternal life.
  • Acts 16:31: “Believe in the Lord Jesus, and you will be saved.”
  • Romans 4:5: God justifies the one who does not work but believes in the One who justifies the ungodly.
  • Ephesians 2:8–9: Salvation is by grace through faith, not from works, so that no one can boast.

These passages direct the sinner to Christ and the promise of life through faith. They do not state that a person must first demonstrate a sufficiently persistent pattern of obedience before being entitled to rely on that promise.

The Reformed response is that these promises describe the security of genuine believers, while perseverance reveals who those genuine believers are. But that response raises a further question: where does Scripture explicitly establish that a person’s future perseverance is a necessary test for determining whether the person previously received the gift promised through faith?

If the answer depends on a theological synthesis of election, regeneration, and perseverance, the debate is no longer merely about whether works accompany faith. It is about whether that synthesis introduces a qualification that the promise itself does not state.

The concern is not that works earn salvation. It is that works can become an indispensable validating condition for assurance that salvation was ever received. Faith alone may remain the formal description of justification, while perseverance becomes the practical test by which the believer is permitted to regard that justification as real.

This is the tension that sola fide must address. If a person believes Christ’s promise but later struggles with serious sin, spiritual weakness, or inconsistency, should that person be directed first to Christ’s promise or to an examination of whether the person’s conduct demonstrates election?

Christian growth matters. Disobedience matters. Scripture contains warnings, commands, and calls to perseverance. But those truths do not automatically establish that perseverance must function as a condition for knowing whether one has received eternal life through faith. That conclusion requires its own biblical demonstration.

The Problem for Sola Scriptura: Does Scripture Govern the System, or Does the System Govern Scripture?

Coate’s critique makes this question especially important. In A Cultish Side of Calvinism, he argues that Calvinism’s claim to sola Scriptura is compromised when adherence to TULIP becomes the controlling framework for interpreting biblical doctrine. He contrasts the authority of Scripture itself with reliance on Calvin’s interpretation and the subsequent Reformed theological tradition.

This argument should be evaluated by examining the actual texts, not simply by assuming that a doctrine is unbiblical because Calvin taught it. Nevertheless, the underlying challenge is legitimate:

a theological system cannot establish its own authority merely by claiming to be the most consistent interpretation of Scripture. Its conclusions must be tested against Scripture itself.

The same test applies to the Calvinist account of saving faith.

The New Testament repeatedly presents the gospel as God’s power for salvation to everyone who believes (Romans 1:16). It calls people to believe in Christ and promises life to those who do (John 3:16; John 5:24; John 20:31). Yet the Calvinist system holds that saving faith is possible only because God has first elected and effectually regenerated the individual. The person does not believe in order to receive spiritual life; rather, in this account, the person believes because spiritual life has already been imparted through a selective act of regeneration.

That distinction is fundamental. Faith is no longer the response through which a spiritually dead sinner receives life, but the consequence and evidence that God has already imparted spiritual life.

Coate argues that this doctrine of regeneration preceding faith conflicts with the biblical presentation of the gospel as God’s power for salvation to everyone who believes. The issue is not whether God must work in a sinner’s heart; Scripture clearly teaches the necessity of divine grace and the work of the Holy Spirit. The issue is whether Scripture teaches that God must first regenerate a person in order for that person to believe—or whether Calvinism has made that sequence necessary through its particular understanding of human depravity and election.

If the latter conclusion depends on a system of theological deductions rather than an explicit biblical statement, the claim to sola Scriptura deserves careful scrutiny. A system may quote Scripture extensively while still allowing its prior assumptions to determine what Scripture is permitted to mean.

The Gospel’s Promise and the Problem of Assurance

These issues converge in the practical question of assurance.

If eternal life is promised to the one who believes in Christ, then the believer’s fundamental assurance should rest on the trustworthiness of Christ and His word. That does not mean every profession of faith must be accepted without discernment, that works are irrelevant to Christian discipleship, or that the New Testament’s warnings should be ignored. It means that the promise of eternal life should not be silently transformed into a promise whose reliability the believer must verify through a lifetime of spiritual performance.

Under a perseverance-based framework, a person may be told that genuine believers will persevere, that perseverance demonstrates election, and that failure to persevere reveals that the original faith was never genuine. This can make assurance provisional in practice: the believer’s present confidence remains exposed to the possibility that future failure will invalidate the interpretation of past faith.

Coate’s critique highlights the resulting difficulty. If assurance is ultimately established by looking at one’s works, then the believer’s confidence is no longer resting exclusively on Christ’s promise. It also depends on the believer’s ability to interpret the adequacy and persistence of personal obedience as evidence of election.

The Free Grace objection is that this approach confuses the reception of eternal life with the subsequent development of Christian character. A believer’s growth, obedience, fellowship with God, discipleship, and rewards are important biblical subjects. But they should not be collapsed into the question of whether the believer has received the gift of eternal life promised to those who believe in Jesus Christ.

The Standard Must Be Scripture, Not the System

The ultimate issue is not whether Calvinists affirm the words faith alone. Many sincerely affirm justification by faith alone and explicitly deny that works merit salvation. The question is whether their wider theological framework preserves the full practical force of that confession.

If faith is possible only because God has selectively regenerated the elect before they believe, and if the genuineness of that faith must subsequently be established through perseverance, then the system has assigned decisive roles to prior regeneration and future conduct in explaining who can believe and who can possess assurance.

Those roles must be demonstrated from Scripture rather than assumed because they follow logically from TULIP.

This is where sola fide and sola Scriptura meet. The former requires that justification not be made dependent on works; the latter requires that the doctrine be established by Scripture rather than imposed upon it by a theological system. A definition of saving faith that formally excludes works from the ground of justification can still raise serious questions if works become indispensable to establishing whether justification ever occurred. Likewise, a theology that professes Scripture alone must allow the explicit promises and invitations of the biblical text to challenge its conclusions.

The decisive question is therefore not simply whether Calvinists believe in faith alone. It is whether their definition of saving faith and their system of assurance allow the sinner to rest in Christ’s promise on the basis of faith—or require the sinner to infer from prior regeneration and subsequent perseverance whether that faith was genuine.

If Scripture’s promise is sufficient, it must be permitted to speak with its full force. If a theological system qualifies that promise, the burden is on the system to demonstrate that its qualification comes from Scripture itself.

6. Perseverance, Good Works, and the Problem of Assurance

The relationship between saving faith and perseverance creates a further difficulty.

If all genuinely regenerated believers will necessarily persevere in faith and good works, how can someone know in the present that their faith is genuine?

Calvinist theologians generally answer that believers should look to Christ and His promises while also recognizing the fruits of regeneration in their lives. They do not necessarily teach that assurance must depend on achieving sinless perfection.

Nevertheless, the requirement that genuine faith inevitably produces perseverance can create a retrospective test of salvation. A person’s present confession of faith may be considered insufficient if later conduct appears inconsistent with the expected marks of a regenerate life.

The result is a tension between assurance based on Christ’s promise and assurance based on the believer’s continuing performance.

A particularly relevant scholarly discussion appears in Ken Keathley’s chapter “Perseverance and Assurance of the Saints” in Whosoever Will. Keathley examines the relationship between assurance, perseverance, and sanctification. He notes that Calvinists and Arminians can both arrive at a position in which assurance is grounded substantially in evidence of sanctification, despite their differences over whether salvation can ultimately be lost.

Keathley’s discussion distinguishes justification as God’s legal declaration that a sinner is righteous through Christ from sanctification as the lifelong work of grace by which the believer is made righteous in character. This distinction is crucial to the present argument.

If justification and sanctification are distinct, then evidence of sanctification should not be confused with the basis of justification. The believer’s growth in holiness may be important to Christian maturity and discipleship without becoming the ground on which the believer determines whether Christ’s promise of eternal life can be trusted.

A Defense of Free Grace Theology addresses the same tension through its discussions of saving faith, perseverance, and assurance. Its contributors argue that the certainty of eternal life must be distinguished from the variable quality of a Christian’s experience and conduct.

The issue is not whether Christians should pursue holiness. It is whether failures in sanctification should be treated as evidence that a person never possessed eternal life in the first place.

John’s Gospel repeatedly identifies believing in Christ as the way to receive eternal life. John 5:24 says that the person who believes has eternal life and has passed from death to life. John 6:47 likewise declares that the one who believes has eternal life.

These promises provide a foundation for assurance that does not depend upon first establishing a sufficiently impressive record of perseverance.

7. Does This Reconstruct the Meaning of Sola Fide?

The Reformers opposed the idea that sinners are justified on the basis of their own righteousness or meritorious works. The doctrine of justification by faith alone affirms that the sinner receives God’s gracious verdict through faith in Christ rather than earning it through personal obedience.

The Calvinist response is that inevitable good works do not earn justification. They demonstrate that the faith by which a person is justified is genuine.

That response must be taken seriously. It would be inaccurate to equate every Calvinist account of perseverance with an explicit doctrine of justification by works.

The criticism, however, concerns the practical implications of making perseverance an inevitable feature of genuine saving faith.

If a person’s ultimate salvation is treated as dependent upon the inevitable presence of a persevering faith that manifests itself in good works, then works become indispensable to the Calvinist account of final salvation—even while being denied the status of the meritorious basis of justification.

This is the distinction examined in A Defense of Free Grace Theology. Its critique is that the language of faith alone can obscure a theological framework in which works, although not meritorious, become necessary evidence that the person possesses the kind of faith that will finally be saved.

The central question is therefore not simply whether Calvinists affirm the words sola fide. It is whether their definitions of saving faith and final salvation preserve the distinction between receiving eternal life through faith and demonstrating Christian maturity through subsequent obedience.

The broader critiques in Why I Am Not a Calvinist and Calvinism: A Biblical and Theological Critique, edited by David L. Allen and Steve W. Lemke, reinforce the importance of evaluating the entire theological framework rather than isolating one doctrinal formula. The latter volume examines total depravity, unconditional election, limited atonement, irresistible grace, and perseverance, alongside the theological implications of determinism, human freedom, and the character of God.

Taken together, these works invite a more precise question:

  • Does a theological system preserve justification by faith alone in both its formal definition and its practical implications for the gospel invitation and Christian assurance?

Bibliography

  1. Allen, David L., and Steve W. Lemke, eds. Calvinism: A Biblical and Theological Critique. Nashville: B&H Academic, 2022.
  2. Allen, David L., and Steve W. Lemke, eds. Whosoever Will: A Biblical-Theological Critique of Five-Point Calvinism. Nashville: B&H Publishing Group, 2010.
  3. Chay, Fred, ed. A Defense of Free Grace Theology: With Respect to Saving Faith, Perseverance, and Assurance. The Woodlands, TX: Grace Theology Press, 2017.
  4. Coate, Micah. A Cultish Side of Calvinism. Innovo Publishing, 2011.
  5. Hunt, Dave. What Love Is This? Calvinism’s Misrepresentation of God. 4th ed. Bend, OR: The Berean Call, 2013.
  6. Stewart, Kenneth. “The Doctrine of Regeneration in Evangelical Theology: The Reformation to 1800.” Journal for Baptist Theology and Ministry 8, no. 1 (Spring 2011): 42–57.
  7. Sproul, R. C. What Is Reformed Theology? Understanding the Basics. Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 1997.
  8. Vance, Laurence M. The Other Side of Calvinism. Rev. ed., 6th printing. Orlando, FL: Vance Publications, 2021.
  9. Walls, Jerry L., and Joseph R. Dongell. Why I Am Not a Calvinist. Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2004.
  10. “The Dangers of Redefined Faith: Why Calvinism Undermines the Gospel.” Christians Need the Gospel. https://www.christiansneedthegospel.com/writings/post/the-dangers-of-redefined-faith-why-calvinism-undermines-the-gospel.

Principal Scripture References

John 1:12–13; 3:16; 5:24, 40; 6:47; 20:31; Romans 1:16; 10:17; Ephesians 2:1–10; Galatians 3:26; 2 Timothy 3:15.

Recommended Reading — ReligioPoliticalTalk.com

The following articles offer additional arguments and resources on faith, works, divine determinism, grace, and the Provisionist understanding of salvation.

  1. The Calvinist Dilemma of Faith, Works, and Divine Determinism
  2. Reacting with Faith Is a Work?
  3. Is Faith a Work?
  4. God Provides, Faith Receives: A Five-Point Defense of Provisionism
  5. Saved by Grace Through Faith or Saved by Decree? — Chapter 1
  6. Faulty Doctrine: Hippity Hoppity
  7. The Totality of God’s Work at Calvary: Grace

Making Sense of Romans 9:13 | BLK SHP Scott

Making Sense of the Most Uncomfortable Verse in Romans

“Jacob I have loved, but Esau I have hated.” Paul says God said this before either boy was born, and for a lot of people that settles it: God chose Esau for rejection before he took his first breath. For others, it’s a verse they’d rather skip. In this video we go back to the two Old Testament passages Paul is quoting in Romans 9:13 (Genesis 25 and Malachi 1), look at how the Bible uses “love” and “hate,” and follow Paul’s argument all the way through Romans 11. We also cover the common objections, including the potter and the clay and what Jeremiah 18 says about how the potter decides.

Summary: Romans 9:13 — “Jacob I Have Loved, but Esau I Have Hated”

Romans 9:13 does not necessarily teach that God unconditionally predestines particular individuals to heaven or hell before they are born. Rather, Paul is explaining God’s sovereign choice of Jacob’s lineage, Israel, to carry forward the covenant promises through which God would ultimately bring salvation to all nations.

1. The context concerns nations and God’s redemptive purposes. In Genesis 25:23, God tells Rebekah that two nations are in her womb and that the older will serve the younger. Jacob represents Israel, while Esau represents Edom. The prophecy concerns their descendants and their roles in God’s unfolding plan.

2. Malachi 1:2–5 reinforces the national context. Paul quotes Malachi’s statement, “Jacob I have loved, but Esau I have hated.” Written centuries after Jacob and Esau died, Malachi describes God’s contrasting treatment of Israel and Edom, including their lands and national destinies. The passage concerns God’s dealings with these nations, not an explicit declaration that Esau was eternally condemned before birth.

3. “Love” and “hate” can express preference or relative standing. Scripture sometimes uses these terms to describe choosing one person or priority over another. In this context, God favored Jacob’s lineage for the covenantal purpose without necessarily implying personal animosity toward Esau or a decree of his eternal damnation.

4. God’s election did not depend on the twins’ merits. Romans 9:11 emphasizes that God’s purpose according to election stood before either child had done good or evil. God’s choice of Jacob’s lineage was based on His own purpose, not the boys’ deeds or birth order.

5. Esau was not treated as someone created for destruction. Esau prospered and possessed considerable wealth (Genesis 33:9). God granted his descendants Mount Seir as their inheritance and instructed Israel to regard the Edomites as brothers (Deuteronomy 2:5; 23:7). Edom’s later judgment was connected to its violence against Israel (Obadiah 10).

6. The potter and clay imagery must be read in its Old Testament context. Jeremiah 18:1–10 explains that God may relent from announced judgment when a nation repents. This provides important background for Romans 9:21–23. Paul also explains in Romans 11:23 that Israelites who do not continue in unbelief can be grafted back into the olive tree.

7. Israel was chosen to bring blessing to all nations. God’s promise to Abraham was that all the families of the earth would be blessed through him (Genesis 12:3). Through Jesus Christ, Gentiles who were once outside the covenant have been brought near to God (Ephesians 2:11–13). Acts 15 likewise connects the restoration of David’s house with the inclusion of the Gentiles.

Conclusion

Romans 9–11 addresses God’s faithfulness to His promises, Israel’s unbelief, the inclusion of the Gentiles, and God’s continuing redemptive purposes. God’s choice of Jacob’s lineage established the historical means through which the Messiah would come and salvation would be extended to the nations.

The central distinction is between God’s sovereign choice of a people for a redemptive purpose and the claim that He unconditionally determines each individual’s eternal destiny before birth. Romans 9:13, read in its Old Testament and broader biblical context, does not by itself establish the latter claim.

The Calvinist Dilemma of Faith, Works, and Divine Determinism

The below was inspired via MemEvangelist’s posting of a graphic.

John Piper is—according to Charles Ryrie, Chuck Smith, and J. Vernon McGee—teaching what these critics regard as heresy, much as they have argued regarding John MacArthur’s teaching on Lordship Salvation. But even within the Reformed camp, Piper’s teaching on “final salvation through works” raises important questions about the relationship between faith, works, and salvation.

Like Dorothy following the yellow brick road to the Emerald City, the Calvinist is told to look for evidence that he is truly one of the elect. But the road seems to lead to a growing list of unconditions—signs of genuine faith, surrender, behavioral transformation, and lifelong perseverance. If salvation is a free gift received through faith alone, when does the evidence of salvation become a condition for obtaining or retaining it? And if final salvation requires not merely faith but a life of persevering obedience, has the yellow brick road quietly changed its destination from faith alone to faith plus works?

The question is not whether good works matter, but whether they remain the fruit of salvation or become part of the conditions for finally reaching the Emerald City.

Bad Theology Leads To Bad Faith.

But if faith is irresistibly produced by God through Unconditional Election and Irresistible Grace, can the Reformed tradition adequately account for unhealthy faith, distorted theology, and false assurance? Is the very premise of faith plus works an unhealthy one, or does the deeper problem concern how faith and works function within the doctrine of salvation?

Even Piper’s—and, as a fellow Reformed theologian, R. Scott Clark’s—starting premise deserves scrutiny. The question is not merely whether good works are necessary evidence of genuine faith. The more difficult question is whether works become instrumental in final salvation, creating a two-stage model in which a person is initially justified by grace alone through faith alone, but finally saved through works.

Is the premise of faith + works unhealthy?

Even Piper’s [and as Reformed, Mr. Clarks] starting premise is not without problems.

Is faith a genuine human response to God’s gracious provision and the gospel—or is it the inevitable result of God unilaterally determining and producing a person’s response through the irresistible regeneration of the elect?

Does Regeneration Precede Faith?

Over at ANSWERING CALVINISM we read this:

… The question is, Does God regenerate someone after he exhibits faith? Or does God first have to regenerate someone before he can have faith? Non-Calvinists say faith precedes regeneration. A person must first put his faith in Christ… and then God will regeneration him. Calvinists, on the other hand, assert that regeneration precedes faith. God must first regenerate someone before he can have faith. So who’s right? And why does this even matter?

Why this Matters

While this may seem like a rather insignificant issue, it’s actually very important. For if Calvinists are right, then that would mean all those biblical exhortations to “put your faith in God” are pointless because nobody can actually do it (unless God first regenerates them). This would also mean that God commands people to do what they are unable to do… and then punishes them for not doing it (which hardly seems like something a just God would do)! Moreover, if God must first regenerate someone for him to have faith, then doing so would sort of be like injecting him with faith, which would essentially be like forcing him to believe (which the Bible never talks about). …

Scripture repeatedly connects believing with receiving life and salvation. John 1:12–13 speaks of receiving Christ and becoming children of God; Ephesians 2:8 describes salvation through faith; and Acts 16:31 commands the hearers to believe in the Lord Jesus. The debate is not whether salvation depends on grace, but whether grace must first regenerate particular individuals irresistibly before they can believe.

This leads to another question. If regeneration places a person in Christ, and Romans 8:1 declares that there is no condemnation for those who are in Christ Jesus, what is the person’s spiritual status before exercising faith? Has the person already received the saving benefits associated with union with Christ, or does faith mark the point at which those benefits are received? Regeneration, union with Christ, justification, and forgiveness are related doctrines, but they are not automatically interchangeable. The claim that regeneration logically precedes faith does not, by itself, prove that justification and forgiveness are complete before faith.

If the person is already in Christ, why is faith still necessary for salvation?

Another issue with the Reformed Determinist position is that “unhealthy faith” is impossible in this view.

Does Exhaustive Divine Determinism Allow for Unhealthy Faith?

The problem extends beyond the order of salvation to the relationship between divine sovereignty and human responsibility.

If God unconditionally decrees and ordains all things—including every thought, desire, belief, and decision—then what about unhealthy faith? If someone embraces a distorted understanding of God, the gospel, or salvation, does that belief also fall within the divine decree? And if God irresistibly determines the faith of the elect, why should saving faith be treated as the inevitable product of divine determination while theological error and false assurance are attributed merely to human failure?

The question is unavoidable:

If God ordains the outcome, in what meaningful sense could a person’s unhealthy faith have turned out differently?

If God ordains both the belief and its consequences, how does this framework distinguish between a belief God sovereignly determines and a belief for which the individual is held responsible?

Calvinists may respond that God ordains events through secondary causes, that people act willingly according to their own desires, and that divine sovereignty does not make God the author of sin. But this response raises a further question:

if God determines the desires and choices through which people act, in what sense are they the ultimate source of those choices?

And if God determines the choices through which evil occurs, how can the problem of ultimate responsibility be dismissed simply by labeling human beings “secondary causes”? As Piper attests to:

“works all things according to the counsel of his will.” Here the Greek word for “works” is 𝑒𝑛𝑒𝑟𝑔𝑒ø, which indicates that God not merely carries all of the universe’s objects and events to their appointed ends but that he actually 𝑏𝑟𝑖𝑛𝑔𝑠 𝑎𝑏𝑜𝑢𝑡 all things in accordance with his will. In other words, it isn’t just that God manages to turn the evil aspects of our world to good for those who love him; it is rather that he himself brings about these evil aspects for his glory and his people’s good. This includes—as incredible and as unacceptable as it may currently seem—God’s having even brought about the Nazis’ brutality at Birkenau and Auschwitz as well as the terrible killings of Dennis Rader and even the sexual abuse of a young child

Mark Talbot, in John Piper and Justin Taylor, eds., Suffering and the Sovereignty of God (Wheaton, IL: Crossway Books, 2006), 42.

The Problem of “Maximal Aversion”

One member of the Society of Evangelical Arminians describes what he sees as a recurring problem in Calvinist reasoning:

“Calvinism is a system built on what I call ‘maximal aversion.’ Basically, Calvinists define their theological acuity by what they are not: non-Pelagians, non-16th century Catholics, and non-Arminians.”

The writer argues that Calvinists can become so determined to exclude any possibility of human contribution to salvation that they struggle to account for the biblical connection between receiving God’s grace and responding through faith and repentance. In his view, regeneration is sometimes placed before faith to preserve a system in which no human response can be understood as a genuine condition for receiving salvation. He summarizes his criticism this way:

“Any exegetical or theological inconsistency can be justified as long as it serves the greater good of the maximal aversion to human-initiated contingencies.”

That is the critic’s assessment, not a description that every Calvinist would accept. Reformed theologians generally argue that faith is not a meritorious work and that a person’s willing response is itself the result of divine grace. Nevertheless, the criticism raises a question worth examining:

  • does the desire to exclude works-based salvation sometimes predetermine how passages about faith, repentance, regeneration, and human responsibility are interpreted?

For further discussion, see Examining Calvinism: Born Again and Examining Calvinism: Charge of Paradox.

The Central Question


​The yellow brick road of Calvinism, which
theology, by necessity, often requires odd
conclusions, such as that those with whom
Jesus told to repent and believe the gospel
were already regenerated, and the same
being the case of Peter, Paul, and all those
who were called upon to repent and believe
– they were already regenerate.

The issue is not whether salvation depends on God’s grace. The issue is whether that grace must irresistibly regenerate the elect before they can believe—and whether this account adequately explains the biblical commands to repent and believe, the relationship between faith and new birth, and human responsibility for belief and unbelief.

If faith is possible only after God has irresistibly regenerated the elect, what role does the gospel invitation play in the individual’s response? If God determines the desires and choices through which a person believes, how is that response genuinely human? And if every belief falls within God’s sovereign decree, how should we understand unhealthy faith, false assurance, and theological error?

Is faith a genuine human response to God’s gracious provision and the gospel—or is it the inevitable result of God unilaterally determining and producing a person’s response through the irresistible regeneration of the elect?

Dr. William Lane Craig Discusses the Borde-Guth-Vilenkin Theorem

ORIGINALLY POSTED OCTOBER OF 2015… MINOR MEDIA CHANGES

For the first timers to these concepts, here is a short discussion of NOTHING via theoretical physicist Alexander Vilenkin, followed by a longer video of Dr. William Lane Craig discussing NOTHING.

WHAT IS NOTHING?

MAIN PRESENTATION:

This is the main video that combines [for the most part] two other presentations (the two rough presentations follow the main video and description):

ABOVE VIDEO DESCRIPTION:

Did the universe have a beginning? In this video, William Lane Craig, theoretical physicist Alexander Vilenkin, and Lawrence Krauss discuss the evidence surrounding one of the most fundamental questions in cosmology: Is the universe past-eternal, or did it begin to exist?

The discussion explores the Borde–Guth–Vilenkin (BGV) theorem, which demonstrates that spacetimes with a positive average expansion rate are past-geodesically incomplete. Could inflation, a cyclic universe, or a multiverse provide a way around this conclusion?

Dr. Vilenkin explains the theorem and discusses proposed models of an eternal universe. Dr. Craig examines the philosophical implications for the beginning of the universe and the Kalam cosmological argument, while Dr. Krauss raises questions about whether alternative cosmological models might avoid the need for a beginning.

TOPICS COVERED:

  • The Borde–Guth–Vilenkin theorem
  • Alexander Vilenkin’s conclusions about the beginning of the universe
  • William Lane Craig and the Kalam cosmological argument
  • Lawrence Krauss and models of eternal cosmology
  • Cosmic inflation and the multiverse
  • Cyclic and emergent-universe models
  • Past-geodesic incompleteness and the limits of current cosmological models
  • The relationship between cosmology, philosophy, and the question of God’s existence

The central question remains:

  • Can any existing cosmological model adequately explain a universe that has no beginning?

Watch the discussion and consider the evidence for yourself.

FURTHER READING:

#BGVTheorem #AlexanderVilenkin #WilliamLaneCraig #Cosmology #OriginOfTheUniverse

Technical Presentation by Vilenkin Himself:

ABOVE VIDEO DESCRIPTION:

The Borde–Guth–Vilenkin (BGV) theorem applies to many multiverse models, particularly those based on eternal inflation.

EXAMPLE:

1. THE INFLATIONARY MULTIVERSE
In eternal inflation, inflation continues in some regions while other regions form “bubble” or “pocket” universes. If the relevant spacetime has a positive average expansion rate along the appropriate past-directed paths, the BGV theorem implies that those paths are past-incomplete

2. AN INFINITE NUMBER OF UNIVERSES DOES NOT MEAN AN INFINITE PAST
A multiverse could contain infinitely many pocket universes or continue generating new universes forever into the future, yet still have a past boundary. An infinite number of regions is not the same thing as an infinite duration into the past.

3. OTHER MULTIVERSE PROPOSALS
A model involving repeated cosmic bounces, contracting phases, or a more fundamental structure outside the inflating region requires separate analysis. The theorem’s conclusion depends on its expansion condition, not merely on whether a model is called a multiverse.

WHAT DOES THIS MEAN FOR THE ORIGIN OF THE MULTIVERSE?

The original 2003 paper by Borde, Guth, and Vilenkin states that inflationary spacetimes require physics beyond inflation to describe their past boundary. That gives us three important distinctions:

  • Eternal into the future: Inflation may continue indefinitely and generate more pocket universes.
  • Eternal into the past: The relevant spacetime can be extended indefinitely backward without encountering past incompleteness.
  • Ultimate origin: What explains the boundary, or whether a deeper physical model removes it, is a further question.

The BGV theorem challenges the second claim for spacetimes satisfying its conditions. It does not, by itself, prove creation from absolute nothingness or establish that the cause must be God.

BOTTOM LINE: If someone argues that the multiverse eliminates the need for a beginning simply because it contains infinitely many universes, that conclusion does not follow. An inflationary multiverse can still be past-incomplete. The key question is whether the proposed model satisfies the theorem’s assumptions.

WHAT HAS CHANGED IN THE LATEST RESEARCH?

Research published in 2024–2026 makes the answer more nuanced.

  • 2024: Kinney, Maity, and Sriram published a revised treatment of the BGV theorem and applied it to conformal cyclic cosmology, arguing that the model remains past-incomplete under their analysis.
  • 2024: Pavlović and Sossich published a paper presenting classes of cyclic cosmologies that they argue can be geodesically complete and address entropy-growth concerns. This illustrates that the applicability of the theorem and the assumptions of specific cosmological models remain debated.
  • April 2026: Easson and Lesnefsky published “Inflationary Resolution of the Initial Singularity,” proposing nonsingular, past-eternal inflationary solutions that evade the usual conclusion through controlled violations of the null energy condition. This is a significant recent development, although a proposed model is not the same as observational confirmation that our universe is past-eternal.

[….]

The most defensible conclusion is that the BGV theorem remains a powerful constraint on cosmological models with positive average expansion, but it is not a universal proof that all reality began to exist. Researchers continue to explore whether more elaborate models can provide a past-eternal, geodesically complete description.

(BELOW) BORDE-GUTH-VILENKIN THEOREM DISCUSSED:

Dr. William Lane Craig and Dr. Robert J. Spitzer show how the Borde Guth Vilenkin Theorem proves that no matter what kind of scientific model one proposes (multiverse, oscillating universe, etc.) there still has to be a beginning to it and the universe. Indeed the BVG Theorem has been a watershed in the scientific community.

(BELOW) HOW ATHEISTS MISUSE THE BGV THEOREM:

It seems that some atheists are doing everything they can to prove the universe had NO beginning – even if it means taking someone out of context! The Borde-Guth-Vilenkin Theorem has proven the universe had a beginning NO MATTER WHAT KIND OF SCIENTIFIC MODEL ONE PROPOSES (which include oscillating models, multiverses, etc.). In an effort to scramble for a refutation, atheists (like Peter Millican) have claimed that Alexander Vilenkin (a co-author of the BVG Theorem) himself said there is a way to undermine his theorem. William Lane Craig has shown that Peter Millican actually took Vilenkin out of context. Furthermore, Alan Guth (another co-author of the BVG Theorem) said that there is an actual and unique beginning to the universe.

The BVG Theorem:

The BVG Theorem and Quantum Tunneling:

Ilhan Nur Said Elmi (Ilhan Omar) In Deep Doo-Doo

Don’t miss this: this is saying her husband was indeed her brother, Ahmed Nur Said Elmi. Her and her brothers war-crime father’s name is Nur Said Elmi Mohamed. When the DOJ has issued a search warrant for Ilhan Omar which they’ve gotten from the District Court for DC, it listed her name as: Ilhan Nur Said Elmi.

According to Will Chamberlain, it means they believe she’s in the US under this name which could be a false identity:

  • BREAKING: the federal search warrant against Ilhan Omar names her as “Ilhan Nur Said Elmi, a/k/a Ilhan Abdullahi Omar,” indicating that DOJ believes she is present in the United States under a false identity! Revealed in a scheduling order today from DDC.

See:

Also keep in mind that there are multiple cases going on…

  • Allegations that Ilhan Omar misstated her age on immigration paperwork so she could obtain U.S. citizenship as a minor through her father’s naturalization in 2000.
  • Claims that her father, Nur Omar Mohamed, was a senior military officer under Siad Barre who misrepresented his background when entering the U.S. as a refugee.
  • Long-running allegation that she married her brother, Ahmed Nur Said Elmi, in 2009 for immigration purposes; recent reports cite investigators obtaining DNA evidence related to the claim.
  • Financial disclosure discrepancies involving her husband Tim Mynett’s stake in eStCru winery, with reported values jumping sharply before being amended downward.
  • Claims by Rep. James Comer that the winery sold investors empty barrels of wine intended for aging.
  • Accusations of antisemitic comments, including references to “Benjamins,” dual loyalty, and describing some Jewish students as “pro-genocide.”
  • Scrutiny over her sponsorship of the MEALS Act and contacts related to the Feeding Our Future fraud scheme in Minnesota.

See:

RPT On the Katy Padilla and Brandon Herrera Flap

In a personal text stream with friends, this was shared:

Here is the clip referred to:

So this is my somewhat humorous and historical response to this:

Well, to be fair to Katy Padilla, I suppose during a Krispy Kreme–craving bout (not Stout, bout!), her zero-knowledge-of-history meter was flashing red, and the zinger she had ready to go got mangled in a dizzying, low-sugar struggle. It happens.

But the other side of me would love to think she’s simply trying to hold together her existing constituents while widening her base. After all, the Nazis called themselves National Socialists, and socialism has enjoyed a remarkable PR makeover among younger generations—many of whom seem to have learned their economics and history from professors who treat capitalism as the original sin of Western civilization.

Maybe Miss Stout is onto something after all!

But seriously, let’s take a little trip down history lane.

Remember 2008, when three of four prominent white-nationalist movement leaders reportedly urged their followers to vote for Barack Obama?

  • Tom Metzger — Director of White Aryan Resistance, former Ku Klux Klan Grand Dragon, and, remarkably, a winner of a Democratic congressional primary in 1980.
  • Ron Edwards — Imperial Wizard of the Imperial Klans of America, whose organization faced litigation over allegations connected to the brutal beating of a Latino teenager.
  • Erich Gliebe — Chairman of the National Alliance and head of the white-power music label Resistance Records.
  • Rocky Suhayda — Chairman of the American Nazi Party. He reportedly did not give his followers the same explicit instruction to vote for Obama.

And there’s more!

Who can forget the California KKK Grand Dragon who, when asked whom he liked for president, reportedly answered Hillary Clinton?

Or David Duke, the former KKK Grand Wizard, endorsing left-wing Democrat Charles Barron for Congress?

Or the political overlap between certain white-nationalist figures and the Occupy Wall Street movement?

Now, before somebody hyperventilates into a paper bag, let me make something clear: I’m not arguing that every Democrat is a racist, that every Republican is innocent of racism, or that an extremist group’s endorsement automatically makes a candidate guilty by association. It doesn’t.

But consistency matters. If we’re going to use the political affiliations and endorsements of racists as evidence against one party, we should apply the same standard when the evidence complicates the narrative we prefer.

And that brings us to a little inconvenient history.

The Republican Party was founded in the 1850s as an anti-slavery party. Republicans played a central role in the passage of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments. During Reconstruction, Black Republican officeholders faced violent opposition from the Ku Klux Klan, whose campaign of terror targeted Republicans—Black and white alike.

That wasn’t some obscure footnote. It was a defining feature of the political struggle following the Civil War.

And when we get to the civil rights legislation of the 1950s and 1960s, the congressional voting records tell a story that doesn’t fit neatly into today’s partisan talking points. Republican support was essential to the passage of landmark civil rights legislation, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Southern Democrats supplied much of the opposition, while substantial numbers of Democrats elsewhere supported civil rights.

So what happened to the familiar claim that the parties simply switched sides?

Here’s the problem:

  • the evidence does not support the simplistic story that segregationist Democrats collectively packed their bags, joined the Republican Party, and transferred the entire historical burden of racism with them.

Consider the Dixiecrats and the congressional opponents of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Most of the Democratic senators who opposed that legislation did not subsequently become Republicans. Strom Thurmond was a prominent exception, not proof of a wholesale migration. Meanwhile, Republican presidential candidates had been making substantial inroads in the South well before the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

That doesn’t mean the parties never changed, that race played no role in later electoral realignments, or that racism disappeared from Republican politics. It means the actual history is considerably more complicated than the bumper-sticker version.

As Bruce Bartlett wrote in Wrong on Race: The Democratic Party’s Buried Past (2008), p. ix:

“…virtually every significant racist in American political history was a Democrat.”

And Ann Coulter offered her own memorable formulation in Mugged: Racial Demagoguery from the Seventies to Obama (2012), p. 19:

“…not every Democrat was a KKK’er, but every KKK’er was a Democrat.”

Those are sweeping formulations, and they deserve to be evaluated in their historical context. But they point toward a subject that is too often brushed aside: the Democratic Party’s long history of slavery, segregation, and resistance to civil rights—and the tendency to discuss that history as though a simple party switch somehow settled the matter.

So perhaps Miss Stout isn’t simply getting her history from a box of gourmet cookies. Perhaps she’s relying on a very selective reading of history to eke out a win.

After all, if you’re going to accuse your opponent of being a Nazi, it helps to know something about actual Nazis, the history of American racial politics, and the political company some American extremists have kept.

And if you’re going to lecture others about racism, you might want to make sure your historical argument survives contact with the congressional record.

(No racists were harmed in the making of this comment. A few oversimplified historical narratives, however, may require emergency medical attention.)

BIBLIOGRAPHY for the un-educated:

And the above turned into a educating moment with Chat -GPT, who said:

“Those are provocative quotations, and the broader history of American party realignment matters when interpreting them. But the historical record certainly doesn’t cooperate with the notion that racism has always belonged exclusively to one modern political party.”

Which gave me an opportunity to upload to it and discuss the below. When I did, I got this:

I appreciate you bringing all of this together. And I think your criticism of my earlier answer is fair in an important respect: I presented the familiar party-realignment explanation before adequately engaging the historical evidence that challenges the popular version of that explanation. I should have examined the competing interpretations rather than leading with the standard summary.

I’ve now begun examining your supplied material, including your RPT articles, the Dinesh D’Souza and Carol Swain transcripts, the Wayne Perryman interviews, and your Thomas Sowell books. I also checked several of the external articles you linked.

What stands out is that your argument is not merely that Democrats have a history of racism. It’s more specific: the familiar story that the segregationist Democrats simply became Republicans, thereby transferring the historical burden of racism from one party to the other, is much more complicated than it is often presented.

[….]

My bottom line: Your sources raise substantive challenges to the simplistic narrative that the Democratic and Republican parties simply traded racial identities in the 1960s. The historical record warrants a more careful examination of which politicians switched, which voters shifted, how the parties’ positions evolved, and when those changes occurred.

That’s a better starting point for a genuine deep dive than simply repeating that the parties switched sides.

R-PT.NET Articles

External Articles

Video and Interview Transcripts

Dinesh D’Souza

Carol Swain

Misc.

Kevin Johnson

Books and Quotations

Thomas Sowell

  • Black Rednecks and White Liberals (2005)
  • Race and Economics (1975)
  • The Economics and Politics of Race: An International Perspective (1983)
  • The Quest for Cosmic Justice (1999)
  • The Vision of the Anointed: Self-Congratulation as a Basis for Social Policy (1995)

Additional Books

  • Bruce Bartlett, Wrong on Race: The Democratic Party’s Buried Past (2008).
  • Ann Coulter, Mugged: Racial Demagoguery from the Seventies to Obama (2012).

Augustine of Hippo’s Gnostic Influence on the Church (Part 1)

I wanted to go through these referenced sources and summarize them and reproduce portions of the manuscript. Here are the sources:

THE CORE CONNECTIONS & ACCUSATIONS

  • Augustine’s Background: Critics point to Augustine of Hippo’s approximately nine years of involvement with Manichaeism, a religious movement with dualistic teachings, before his conversion to Christianity. Because Augustine’s writings significantly influenced John Calvin and later Reformed theology, critics question whether aspects of his earlier worldview influenced his understanding of sin and human nature. [1, 2]
  • Total Inability / Total Depravity: Manichaeism presented a deeply dualistic understanding of good and evil and the human condition. Critics argue that Calvinism’s doctrine of total inability—the “T” in TULIP, which teaches that fallen humanity cannot come to faith apart from God’s enabling grace—resembles this pessimistic view of human nature. [1, 2, 3, 4]
  • The Material World and the Flesh: Gnostic movements often viewed the material world as inferior, corrupt, or even evil, although Gnostic beliefs varied. Critics argue that Augustine’s teachings concerning original sin, its transmission through human generation, and the effects of sexual desire reflect a similar pessimism about embodied human existence. They further contend that aspects of this outlook carried into later Reformed theology. [1, 2]

Today I want to deal with the first bullet point — “Augustine’s Background,” source #2 — I say TODAY because I want to open up some of those resources for a better deep dive, of which this is the first. I will try to offer some of the mentioned resources highlighted in the videos and partial transcripts in the videos or summaries.

These sources I put into my earlier post: “Is Calvinism a Heresy? (Bonus: Allie Beth Stuckey)“, and the first source I am opening up today is “Did Gnosticism Influence Calvinism? ‪@Soteriology101‬ Dr. Leighton Flowers Ruslan Interview“, and here is a partial transcript with the video:

Books explicitly mentioned in the video

Resource Author(s) / details Context in the transcript
Foundations of Augustinian Calvinism Ken Wilson Discussed as an accessible version of Wilson’s Oxford doctoral dissertation, examining the historical roots of Augustinian Calvinism.
Why I’m Not an Arminian Robert A. Peterson and Michael D. Williams Cited by Leighton Flowers as a book by two Calvinist professors that acknowledges a difference between Augustine’s monergistic doctrine of grace and the tendencies of the Apostolic Fathers.

Important spelling correction: The transcript’s automatic transcription says “Why I’m Not an Armenian.” The intended title is Why I’m Not an Arminian.

Historical sources mentioned

  • Herman Bavinck — Mentioned as a Calvinist theologian whose writings are invoked in the discussion.
  • Lorraine Boettner — Mentioned as a Reformed historical and theological source. The transcript renders the name as “Buttner” or “Betner”; the likely intended author is Lorraine Boettner.
  • The Apostolic Fathers — Early Christian writers whose views on human nature, free will, and salvation are discussed through the quotation from Peterson and Williams.
  • Augustine of Hippo — His writings and theological development are the central historical subject.
  • John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion — Explicitly mentioned as a work in which Calvin cites Augustine extensively.

Partial Transcript:

Leighton Flowers

There’s also the book Why I’m Not an Armenian by two Calvinistic professors. They write, the semi-Pelagians were convinced that Augustine’s monergistic emphasis upon salvation by grace alone represented a significant departure from the traditional teaching of the church. They say, quote, and a survey of the thought of the Apostolic Father shows that their argument is valid.

From Calvinist scholars Robert A. Peterson and Michael D. Williams, Why I Am Not An Arminian, p. 39 (pages 35-41 quoted at the bottom):

Does the antipathy between Calvinism and Arminianism suggest that Pelagius, the arch-opposite of Augustine, is the proper ancestor of Arminianism? Calvinists have often sought to paint Arminianism in Pelagian colors. Associating your opponent with a position that the historic faith has repeatedly judged heretical can only help one’s cause. However, the allegation that Arminianism is Pelagian is unfortunate and indeed unwarranted. From Jacob Arminius and the ‘Remonstrance Articles’ on, the Arminian tradition has affirmed the corruption of the will by sin and the necessity of grace for redemption. Arminianism is not Pelagianism….The Semi-Pelagians thought of salvation as beginning with human beings. We must first seek God; and his grace is a response to that seeking. The Arminians of the seventeenth century, however, held that the human will has been so corrupted by sin that a person cannot seek grace without the enablement of grace. They therefore affirmed the necessity and priority of grace in redemption. Grace must go before a person’s response to the gospel. This suggests that Arminianism is closer to Semi-Augustinianism than it is to Semi-Pelagianism or Pelagianism.

Ruslan KD

Ruslan. Let’s talk about this idea of Gnosticism. You had a video up about Augustine, who’s the father of Calvinism. Augustine is who influenced John Calvin and Edwards and Martin Luther, who then influenced a lot of Charles Spurgeon and a lot of our guys today.

You could trace it all back to this gentleman named Augustine, who was a great thinker and a philosopher and all these amazing things. What people don’t know is that He came from a Gnostic background and that then impacted some of his views that you said were not there with the majority of Christians prior to Augustine.

So can you break down what Gnosticism is briefly and how it impacted some of Augustine’s views? Because I have a very specific segue that I deal with all the time with people in my community.

Can you give us just a brief breakdown of what Gnosticism is, how it impacted Augustine, how then that impacted John Calvin and Calvin?

Leighton Flowers

Saying what is Gnosticism can take some time because there’s a lot of different kinds of Gnosticism. Manichean Gnosticism, Manicheanism was the most predominant Gnostic group that many people would have heard of. And it was in particular what Augustine was for 10 years of his life. He was a Manichean Gnostic.

And Manicheanism is very, very different than Christian theology, but there are some similarities. And there are writings from the Manichaeans where they use many of the same proof texts like John 6.44 and other texts like that in order to demonstrate what they believe with regard to total inability.

In other words, one of the things they do teach, they have more of a dualistic view that there’s a good God and a bad God, an evil God and a good God. And they have a lot of different things that are not not like Christianity at all, but one of the things that’s similar to at least Calvinistic Christianity is that they believe that when we’re born, we’re born in a completely evil state and that we’re completely incapable of doing anything without a divine influence.

Ruslan KD

Sounds a lot like total depravity.

Leighton Flowers

Exactly. And so the argument is that this concept of total inability really did not originate within the Bible or early church teachings, but in a more Gnostic or Manichean philosophy of theistic determinism. Now that’s the argument.

But what’s interesting is if you even study John Calvin, he even says that the early church writings, he says they extol the powers of the human will. He says save the exception of Augustine, he said, are confused and they’re vacillating, they’re contradictory, and they extol the powers of the free will of man.

In other words, John Calvin, he wants to validate himself. His doctrines, he wants to make sure people believe them. And oftentimes, especially in that day of the Reformation, you would be reaching back to orthodoxy in order to establish your views as orthodox and as viable. And so he quoted from Augustine over 4,000 times in the Institutes of the Christian Religion.

And he admits, he says the early church writers, all the other early church writers prior to Augustine and even Augustine in his earliest writings, when he first converted out of Manichaeanism into Christianity for the first part of his Christian life, he did teach a doctrine of free will like you and I might believe it.

But only after many years and then eventually a debate with Pelagius does he begin to swing back, we believe, back into a more deterministic, philosophical way of thinking, and he begins to use some of the same arguments that you hear Manichaeans make.

Interesting, I recommend people read Ken Wilson on this particular subject. He’s taken his Oxford doctoral dissertation and made it into a smaller layman book that’s easier to approach than the one with seven different languages in it, and that’s huge.

And at our request, in fact, He was so gracious to do this, but at our request, he actually took his doctoral dissertation and broke it down to the basics and put it all into easy to approach, more English accessible. And it’s called the Foundations of Augustinian Calvinism.

And it really does kind of break down the roots of this and really goes through scholar after scholar after scholar who’s come to the same conclusion. And that’s what’s interesting about this. is not, you know, Leighton Flowers, the, you know, anti-Calvinist saying these things.

We’ve got quotes from Bavinck, Henry Herman Bavinck, who’s a well-known Calvinist, Lorraine Buttner, who is a well-known historical historian from the Calvinist. Matter of fact, Betner is the guy who made Tulip, the Across the Tulip, famous.

There’s also the book, Why I’m Not an Armenian, by two Calvinistic professors from Covenant Theological Seminary, Dr. Robert Peterson and Michael Williams. And they write this, they write, the semi-Pelagians were convinced, and semi-Pelagian is a pejorative term, we wouldn’t like that term, but that’s what they call us oftentimes, semi-Pelagians.

The semi-Pelagians were convinced that Augustine’s monergistic emphasis upon salvation by grace alone represented a significant departure from the traditional teaching of the church. So notice what they’re saying. They’re saying that Augustine, the accusation from semi-Pelagians is that Augustine took a significant departure from the early church.

And they say, quote, and a survey of the thought of the apostolic fathers shows that their argument is valid. In comparison to Augustine’s monergistic doctrine of grace, the teachings of the apostolic fathers tended toward a synergistic view of redemption, end quote.

In other words, I could read you about a dozen quotes here from Calvinist sources, not Armenian sources or provisional sources from actual Calvinistic historians who are intellectually honest enough to say, yeah, really Augustine is the first one on record to really begin to teach these doctrines.

And that’s just the fact of the matter. And it is a fact of the matter that he was influenced by Stoicism, Neoplatonism, and Manichean Gnosticism. That’s just a fact of the matter. That’s a part of his testimony. It’s on record. It’s not a disputable matter.

And so I think many of the scholars who know what they’re talking about realize that Augustine really is the first one to systematize and to teach more Calvinistic theology in the church.

Ruslan KD

That’s interesting. So here is where the logical conclusion of some of that goes. If he then elevates how evil man is and makes man just utterly evil. And you’re saying this doctrine isn’t found in the early church. We don’t see any of the other church fathers who believe them.

And if man is super duper, utterly sinful, hates God this whole bit, well then the material world, which is what also Gnosticism believes, the material world, the physical world is also evil. And everything here is evil and everything here is bad. And so you get saved. God could have just zapped you straight to heaven, but he kind of just leaves you on earth to suffer for a while with all these other filthy humans that he may elect or not elect.

This becomes extremely problematic when it again goes back to my heart for people is, hey, I want people to live out Matthew 25. I want people to live out the parable of the talents, the taking care of the least of these, having an amazing marriage, a godly marriage, a godly family. honoring God with your time, talent, and treasure, this becomes disconnected and incompatible when the worldview is people are utterly evil, humans are utterly evil, the world’s all evil, everyone’s evil, everything’s evil, the material is evil, the physical is evil.

So then, man, should I take that promotion at my job so that I can get my family out of this two-bedroom apartment? Because we’re crammed in here. I literally had somebody ask me this at a Bible study. We’re crammed into this little itty bitty place with two bedrooms. We got four kids. But is it evil? Is it my flesh to take this promotion? Because I don’t know. I mean, does God want me to have influence at my job and have a promotion?

And I’m like, bro, there’s certain things you don’t need to pray about. Your family’s hurting because you’re crammed into into this freaking small apartment, take the promotion and honor your family, right?

And begin, this is seeped into almost every denominational camp has this very low view of the material world of the physical world, forgetting that Jesus comes into the material world in material form as a baby.

I have a four week old, a four week old. She can’t do anything. She just lays there, right? She just lays there. We got to move her. We got to, she got to clean her. Jesus comes as a human, as a baby, and has to be cared for a minute before he could do anything. in the material physical world,

and so many Christians are caught up in this idea of the material physical world that escalates to this persecution complex. Everyone’s out to get me. I’m A Christian victim. The world’s all bad. It’s all evil. What’s the point of honoring God with my time, talent and treasure? What’s the point of taking care of my body? And then it literally just becomes fatalism. Like, well, what’s the point? It’s just all going to hell. It doesn’t make any sense.

And I think this is a vast heresy that is, I mean, every camp, whether you’re Pentecostal, Calvinistic, whatever, has this very low view of the physical material world, has this very low view of the Imago Dean people, has this very low view of our time, talent, and treasure on this side of eternity.

And it’s very frustrating because I deal with it all the time. So I want to hear your thoughts on some of this. And am I seeing the connection from Calvin to Augustine to Gnosticism? Do I see that connection? Is it as connected as I’m making it out to be? What are your thoughts, Doctor?

Leighton Flowers

I mean, there are some aspects of what you’re talking about that I would definitely see as some connection points. I call it worm theology, where no matter what is said in the Bible about us being created in the image of God and all the good things that God says about his creation and it being good, that some people will overemphasize the evil of man and how unworthy and our worthlessness of man.

And there’s a balance. There’s always a biblical balance between the extremes. You’ve got the extreme on the one side is just saying we’re all really good people and nobody’s really bad. And everybody’s basically good. You got that side, which a lot of the world is more in that camp.

You got the other side, the worm theology guys that we’re absolutely viper and diapers. We’re just horrible and nothing good whatsoever. we’re just worthless, all these kinds of things.

And I think that the balance is in the middle of those two things, where we obviously have worth in Christ and that we are created in his image and we are image bearers of the divine. Therefore, God doesn’t make junk. We don’t want to criticize that which God has created because it’s his.

Now, we can’t also underemphasize the impact of sin and corruption in this world. And sometimes we’re accused of doing that, but that’s usually by people who haven’t heard us out and really understood what we’re saying.

Because like I said from the very beginning of this interview with you, we’re in bondage to sin. We’re in enmity with God. We have horrible corruption, but the gospel is sufficient. That’s the good news.

All of the bad news is just as bad on our view as it is on Calvinism. It’s just that we believe that the gospel is sufficient for those who are in that condition.

And whereas the Calvinist says the gospel is not sufficient for the world, that it has to, really what’s sufficient is irresistible grace, this effectual regeneration that is only for some people and not for everyone. And that’s not good news as far as I can tell. That doesn’t seem like very good news.

It’s just It’s just, hey, if you won the divine lottery, so to speak, and I know that sounds pejorative and that’s a bad way to put it, but it’s kind of what it boils down to. It’s like, we don’t know why God picked some people and not others. He just, he picked some people and not others. And if you happen to be one of the blessed ones that got picked, then he’s going to grace you with this miracle of faith to cause you to believe.

I just don’t see this as the tenor of scripture. Instead, what I see within scripture is the good news is yes, we’re all fallen, we’re broken, we’re sinful, we’re depraved, we’ve gone our own ways.

And therefore, what is our only hope? Our only hope is to turn to the Lord so as to be saved. And he has provided a way of salvation for every man, woman, boy, and girl that no one perishes for lack of atonement. No one perishes because they’re rejected by their God. Anyone and everyone can be saved. And that’s what we want to try to highlight.

The book excerpt I mentioned by two Calvinist professors that acknowledges a difference between Augustine’s monergistic doctrine of grace and the tendencies of the Apostolic Fathers will follow these quotes.

BTW, other Calvinists agree with professors Peterson and Williams, which is to say they agree that Augustine introduced something new into the church previously not found in the early Fathers. [RPT and other will add: actually, it existed, but in Gnosticism.]

Herman Bavinck:

  • In the early church, at a time when it had to contend with pagan fatalism and gnostic naturalism, its representatives focused exclusively on the moral nature, freedom, and responsibility of humans and could not do justice, therefore, to the teaching of Scripture concerning the counsel of God. Though humans had been more or less corrupted by sin, they remained free and were able to accept the proffered grace of God. The church’s teaching did not include a doctrine of absolute predestination and irresistible grace.

Loraine Boettner:

  • “It may occasion some surprise to discover that the doctrine of Predestination was not made a matter of special study until near the end of the fourth century….They of course taught that salvation was through Christ; yet they assumed that man had full power to accept or reject the gospel. Some of their writings contain passages in which the sovereignty of God is recognized; yet along side of those are others which teach the absolute freedom of the human will. Since they could not reconcile the two they would have denied the doctrine of Predestination… They taught a kind of synergism in which there was a co-operation between grace and free … this cardinal truth of Christianity was first clearly seen by Augustine…“

Robert Peterson and Michael Williams of Covenant Theological Seminary:

  • “The Semi-Pelagians were convinced that Augustine’s monergistic emphasis upon salvation by grace alone represented a significant departure from the traditional teaching of the church. And a survey of the thought of the apostolic father’s shows that the argument is valid… In comparison to Augustine’s monergistic doctrine of grace, the teachings of the apostolic fathers tended toward a synergistic view of redemption” (36).

Louis Berkhof [in The History of Christian Doctrines]:

  • “Their representations are naturally rather indefinite, imperfect, and incomplete, and sometimes even erroneous and self-contradictory. Says Kahnis: “It stands as an assured fact, a fact knowing no exceptions, and acknowledged by all well versed in the matter, that all of the pre-Augustinian Fathers taught that in the appropriation of salvation there is a co-working of freedom and grace.”

Berkhof goes on to admit that “they do not hold to an entire corruption of the human will, and consequently adhere to the synergistic theory of regeneration…” (130).

Alister E. McGrath, Historical Theology: An Introduction to the History of Christian Thought (Malden, MA: Wiley & Sons LTD, 2013), 34.

  • One aspect of Augustine’s understanding of grace needs further comment. As human beings were incapable of saving themselves, and as God gave his gift of grace to some (but not all), it followed that God had “preselected” those who would be saved. Developing hints of this idea to be found in the New Testament, Augustine developed a doctrine of predestination. The term “predestination” refers to God’s original or eternal decision to save some, and not others. It was this aspect of Augustine’s thought which many of his contemporaries, not to mention his successors, found unacceptable. It need hardly be said that there is no direct equivalent in Pelagius’s thought.


Here is that excerpt…

Robert A. Peterson and Michael D. Williams, Why I Am Not an Arminian (Downers Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press, 2004), 35–41.

(PDF of these pages)

Semi-Pelagianism and the Synod of Orange

Although Pelagius was condemned by the bishop of Rome in 417 and then after his death by the Council of Ephesus in 431, he certainly did not set out to be a heretic. Bernhard Lohse makes the point that Pelagius’s intent was “to elevate the difficult ascetic demands which were then permeating monasticism to a position of a fundamental principle for all Christians.” While Pelagius’s inordinately low view of sin and grace might—and should—strike us as scandalous and indeed heretical, Lohse does not exaggerate when he notes that “there is hardly an opinion” in Pelagius’s teaching on sin and grace “for which some confirmation could not be found among the earlier fathers of the church.” Indeed, one could easily argue that it was Augustine, not Pelagius, who was out of step with the tradition of the church.

The generation after Augustine and Pelagius would give birth to the Semi-Pelagian movement. Monks like John Cassian and Vincent of Lérins agreed with Augustine regarding the seriousness of sin, yet they objected to his ideas of the total and disabling bondage of the will to sin, the irresistible power of grace and predestination as predicated upon a particular election. In 434 Vincent of Lérins wrote the Commonitory, which contained both a polemic against Augustine’s doctrine of grace as a dangerous innovation and a description of the Catholic principle of tradition that would become normative for the church. The Augustinian understanding of sin and grace, said Vincent, is contrary to the ancient tradition of the church, “that faith which has been believed everywhere, always, by all. For that is truly and in the strictest sense ‘Catholic,’ which, as the name itself and the reason of the thing declare, comprehends all universality.”[1]

The Semi-Pelagians were convinced that Augustine’s monergistic emphasis upon salvation by grace alone represented a significant departure from the traditional teaching of the church. And a survey of the thought of the apostolic fathers shows that the argument is valid.

While affirming the necessity of grace for salvation, early Christian theological reflection tended to be highly moralistic and even legalistic, emphasizing a view of the Christian life that focused more on conduct—often expressed as rigorous prescription—rather than grace, faith or forgiveness. In comparison to Augustine’s monergistic doctrine of grace, the teachings of the apostolic fathers tended toward a synergistic view of redemption. For them, salvation is the result of a working together of divine grace and human agency. Human beings are fallen such that they need divine help, but that help cooperates with our own striving toward God and the moral life. The synergism in pre-Augustinian thought held that divine grace is necessary for salvation but that our salvation is as much the product of the exercise of human free will and obedience to the law of God as of grace.

The Semi-Pelagian monastics affirmed the free will and ability of human beings. Yet they were far removed from the humanistic monergism of Pelagius. The Semi-Pelagians insisted that human beings cannot be saved apart from the supernatural assisting grace of God. But the fallen human will is not held in bondage to sin; it is not completely disabled by sinful corruption. Human beings can, unaided by grace, take the first step toward salvation. John Cassian held that human nature is weakened but not disabled by sin; we are fallen but able, fallen enough that we need help, but not so fallen that we cannot contribute to our own recovery. Cassian wrote, “And when He [God] sees in us some beginnings of a good will, He at once enlightens it and strengthens it and urges it on towards salvation, increasing that which He Himself implanted or which He sees to have arisen from our own efforts.”[2] In Semi-Pelagian synergism, human beings are the initiators of faith. Grace is responsive to our search for God and the good. God helps those who help themselves.

Throughout the fifth and early sixth centuries, the Augustinians and the Semi-Pelagians continued their debate, until the bishops met in 529 at the Synod of Orange to seek a resolution of the controversy. Even a century after his death, Augustine’s influence was so great that the synod sought to expunge any lingering strands of Pelagianism within the church. This does not mean, however, that the bishops affirmed Augustine’s teaching in its entirety. Somewhat inconsistently, they affirmed the doctrine of original sin and Augustine’s teaching on the bondage of the will, but they failed to affirm the doctrine of pre­destination. They argued that the freedom of the will has been destroyed by sin such that the only thing inherent in fallen humankind is “untruth and sin.”[3] Faith is not initiated by human beings and then completed by divine grace so that God’s work is dependent upon people. Rather, faith begins in the illuminating work and infused presence of the Holy Spirit, which “precedes” and “enables” human beings’ response to grace.[4] Much of the language of the Canons of the Council of Orange was taken directly from the works of Augustine. For example, using a citation from Augustine himself, the canons rejected the Pelagian charge that Augustine’s teaching was deterministic: “Men do their own will and not the will of God when they do what displeases him; but when they follow their own will and comply with the will of God, however willingly they do so, yet it is his will by which what they will is both prepared and instructed.”[5]

Any goodness or righteousness that humankind displays is the result of God’s grace working in them. But this should not be taken as evidence that the Synod of Orange affirmed Augustine’s gracious monergism. The synod softened the Augustinian teaching into a gracious synergism. First, as stated above, the synod did not endorse predestination. The canons explicitly reject predestination to damnation,[6] but they are completely silent concerning predestination to redemption. Second, while the synod insisted that the initiation of faith begins with the work of grace, it suggested that human agency cooperates with the divine in order to produce redemption. This synergism is subtly but crucially different from that of the Semi-Pelagians. While both see redemption as the product of both divine grace and human effort, the Semi-Pelagians depict redemption as beginning with human agency. The Semi-Augustinian synergism of Orange reversed the sequence. Hence, a person’s contribution to salvation is faithful response to the grace of God. Grace is prevenient here in that it precedes human response.

Nevertheless, there is a problem with the conclusions of the synod. If faith is a gift of God in that the seeds of faith are found in a grace that precedes the actual expression of faith in the responsive heart, and if grace must be given to people enabling them to respond (for a person cannot take the first step toward God), how does one account for the fact that not all respond in faith to the gospel? It seems that the bishops at Orange sought to escape having to address this question.

While the synod held that divine grace is necessary unto faith, its refusal to affirm the particularism of Augustine’s doctrine of predestination seems to be an implicit affirmation of universal preceding grace. That is, universal repairing and enabling grace is given to all, but each person must obediently respond to the illuminating work of the Holy Spirit in order to be saved.

Where Do Calvinism and Arminianism Fit?

The Calvinist understanding of the doctrines of sin and redemption closely conforms to Augustine’s gracious monergism. Redemption is utterly the work of grace. Does the antipathy between Calvinism and Arminianism suggest that Pelagius, the arch-opposite of Augustine, is the proper ancestor of Arminianism? Calvinists have often sought to paint Arminianism in Pelagian colors. Associating your opponent with a position that the historic faith has repeatedly judged heretical can only help one’s cause. However, the allegation that Arminianism is Pelagian is unfortunate and indeed unwarranted. From Jacob Arminius and the “Remonstrant Articles” on, the Arminian tradition has affirmed the corruption of the will by sin and the necessity of grace for redemption. Arminianism is not Pelagian.

If Arminianism cannot be traced back to Pelagius, perhaps the Semi-Pelagianism of John Cassian and Vincent of Lérins is the ancestor of Arminianism. Both Semi-Pelagianism and Arminianism insist upon a synergistic view of redemption. A person’s salvation is the result of two agencies: (1) God’s grace and (2) human faith and obedience. But here again, there are important dissimilarities. The Semi-Pelagians thought of salvation as beginning with human beings. We must first seek God; and his grace is a response to that seeking. The Arminians of the seventeenth century, however, held that the human will has been so corrupted by sin that a person cannot seek grace without the enablement of grace. They therefore affirmed the necessity and priority of grace in redemption. Grace must go before a person’s response to the gospel. This suggests that Arminianism is closer to Semi-Augustinianism than it is to Semi-Pelagianism or Pelagianism. The word Pelagian as a description of Arminians—or Roman Catholics for that matter—does them an injustice because it associates them with a theological tradition that is truly heretical in that Pelagius trivialized grace, and in so doing trivialized the work of Christ. Both the Semi-Augustinians of the fifth and sixth centuries and the Arminians of the seventeenth century sought understandings of sin and redemption that were qualifications of Augustinianism. Semi-Augustinianism was not a Pelagianism that had moved toward Augustine but rather a softening of Augustinianism that sought to modify or excise elements of Augustine’s teaching that were found offensive (particularist election and a doctrine of divine agency that seemed to render human agency irrelevant). As Arminianism began as a reaction to the Augustinian commitments of the Reformed churches and reacted negatively to much the same issues as had the Semi-Augustinians, Arminianism is properly understood as Semi-Augustinianism.

Yet we should appreciate the reality that the four positions sketched here as coming out of the Augustinian-Pelagian controversy of the fifth century do not exhaust the list of possible ways that sin and redemption can be understood or the ways in which divine agency can be thought of as relating to human action and decision making. Yes, Augustinianism (salvation is all of God’s grace) and Pelagianism (salvation is the product of human achievement) do seem to mark the polar extremes. But what lies between might be more of a continuum than a few discrete points. Between the two monergistic poles is the admixture, the synergism of dual agency in redemption. The realization of a continuum of beliefs may help us understand something of the diversity of belief within a tradition.

In 529 the Synod of Orange declared Semi-Pelagianism a heresy and declared a form of Augustinianism to be the official teaching of the Roman Church. Yet the emphasis upon the cooperation of human agency in redemption left a space for Semi-Pelagian ideas to flourish in popular belief. Even though the synod did not affirm a doctrine of meritorious works and insisted that God’s grace is the sole efficient cause of salvation, a Semi-Pelagian—and often an outright Pelagian—view of human agency would dominate in common folk belief. Indeed, the customs and structures that arose within the medieval Roman Church would lean to­ward a view of Christianity as a religion of performance, merit and obligatory rite. Something quite similar seems to exist within the Arminian tradition. Popular Arminian writing often tends to be so dismissive of anything that might qualify “libertarian free will” that it gives itself over to a moralist and meritorious doctrine of redemption. Redemption is offered by God, but we must earn it. This is, of course, the very danger that the Calvinist sees in all synergistic understandings of redemption.

But we Calvinists have our own version of popular or folk belief as well. If Arminian popular belief tends toward the overestimation of human ability and the redemptive contribution of human achievement, Calvinist popular belief often seems to overemphasize its redemptive monergism. We seek to out-Augustine Augustine. If a little monergism is good, more is better. As a result, we make God the sole cause of all things, sin as well as grace, unbelief as well as belief. And human beings do become mere pawns or actors walking through the scenery of their lives.

The Augustine-Pelagius controversy is our first monumental historical event. This controversy sets the stage for the following two chapters, which focus on issues keenly debated by Augustine and Pelagius and still disputed today: predestination and the perseverance of the saints.

NOTES

[1] Vincent of Lérins Commonitory for the Antiquity and Universality of the Catholic Faith Against the Profane Novelties of All Heresies 2.6.

[2] Quoted in Olson, Story of Christian Theology, p. 283.

[3] Canons of the Council of Orange, para. 1-2, 13, 22.

[4] Ibid., para. 3-7, 18.

[5] Ibid., para. 23.

[6] Ibid., para. 25.

 

C.S. Lewis Would Call Greta Gerwig’s “Narnia” Blasphemous!

Contents (Jump To):

Letters to:

God In The Dock Chapter 11:

Aslan is far more than a memorable character in C. S. Lewis’s The Chronicles of Narnia. Lewis deliberately conceived of him as a divine figure, imagining what it would be like if the eternal Son of God entered another world and became incarnate as a lion, just as Christ became a man in our world. In a 1954 letter to a fifth-grade class, Lewis explicitly distinguished this idea from ordinary allegory: he was not simply using a lion to represent Jesus, but imagining Christ Himself entering a world like Narnia. Lewis took this distinction seriously. In a letter concerning a proposed adaptation, he warned that treating Aslan in a comic or irreverent manner would be “simple blasphemy.” Aslan’s identity, therefore, is central to understanding Narnia; he is not merely a character whose appearance can be changed without considering the theological meaning Lewis invested in him.

Lewis’s understanding of Aslan also connects with his convictions about masculine imagery in Christian theology. In his essay “Priestesses in the Church?”, Lewis argued that the biblical language of Father and Son is not an arbitrary convention that can be freely exchanged for Mother and Daughter without changing the meaning conveyed. He maintained that God has revealed Himself through particular imagery, and that this imagery matters to how Christians understand Him. Applied to Aslan, Lewis’s reasoning is significant: if Aslan is Lewis’s imaginative presentation of the incarnate Son of God, then Aslan’s maleness is not simply a superficial detail of the character. It belongs to the way Lewis chose to portray Christ in Narnia. Andy Shurson develops this argument in his article, “Greta Gerwig’s Aslan Would Have Horrified C. S. Lewis”, examining Lewis’s own letters and theological writings to argue that the question of Aslan’s gender is inseparable from Lewis’s understanding of the Incarnation and Christian imagery.

LOUDER w/CROWDER:

Netflix just dropped the trailer for Greta Gerwig’s “Narnia: The Magician’s Nephew,” with Meryl Streep voicing Aslan, the lion who represents Christ in C. S. Lewis’s series. Hollywood can remake a classic, but it can’t change the meaning of a Christian story and still claim to be telling the same one.

0:00 Coming Up
0:37 Intro
02:04 Narnia: The Magician’s Nephew Trailer
03:54 The Christ Figure Is a 77-Year-Old Woman
05:49 C. S. Lewis on Aslan as Christ
09:22 Jesus Is Intentionally Not a Woman
14:30 A Female Christ Is a Different Religion
17:56 Greta Gerwig Is a Feminist
24:41 Conclusion

I highly suggest reading this posting by Andy Shurson, titled: “Greta Gerwig’s Aslan Would Have Horrified C. S. Lewis“, at The L. Russ Bush Center for Faith and Culture. This is where this short letter was found from:

TO JANE DOUGLASS

Magdalen College, Oxford.
19th June 1954.

Dear Miss Douglas,

I have heard nothing from Jocelyn Gibb. I am sure you understand that Aslan is a divine figure, and anything remotely approaching the comic (above all anything in the Disney line) would be to me simple blasphemy. But how are you going to manage any of the animals? I would welcome a fuller account. Thanks for the kind things you say.

Yours sincerely,

C. S. Lewis

Over the next few days Jocelyn Gibb wrote to Douglass and Lewis, and in a letter to Lewis of 21 June 1954 he said:

The trouble about these Radio and Television adaptations is that whereas you have some control over them in this country, you have very little in the United States. In fact I suggest you would not wish to commit yourself without knowing what would be involved and that you could not know until the whole thing was irretrievably on its course towards production. However, you might like to know a little more if you think there is anything in the idea, and I will willingly write to Miss Douglas asking her for further and fuller particulars. Of course she still has to arouse someone’s interest on the Radio and Television side in a country where a good deal of both is intensely commercial.

TO JOCELYN GIBB

Magdalen College Oxford
22nd June 1954

Dear Mr. Gibb

  1. I wrote to Miss Douglass emphasising the fact that Aslan is a divine figure and I should regard any comic element in the treatment of him as blasphemous. For the rest, I left it to you. I feel we shd. allow it only under safeguards which the T.V. people will almost certainly not give us: i.e. specimen photos of the characters and a full script with a right of veto on our part.
  2. I don’t see that the play cd. do any harm and it might do good. So ‘Yes’ as far as I’m concerned. I think Monopods & even the Mouse will be rather beyond the amateur producer, but that’s their funeral.

Yours

C. S. Lewis

P.S. I’ve made two small corrections to their script.

I hunted down some of the letters Steven mentioned in the video and more that touch on the issue. Sources used for the above and below are:

Lewis, C. S. C. S. Lewis’ Letters to Children. Edited by Lyle W. Dorsett and Marjorie Lamp Mead. New York: Touchstone, 1995.

Lewis, C. S. The Collected Letters of C. S. Lewis. Vol. 3, Narnia, Cambridge, and Joy, 1950–1963. Edited by Walter Hooper. San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 2007.

TO A FIFTH GRADE CLASS IN MARYLAND

Magdalen College, Oxford.
May 29th 1954

Dear Fifth Graders

I am so glad you liked the Narnian books and it was very kind of you to write and tell me. There are to be 7 of them altogether and you are already one behind. No. 4, The Silver Chair, is already out.

You are mistaken when you think that everything in the book ‘represents’ something in this world. Things do that in The Pilgrim’s Progress but I’m not writing in that way. I did not say to myself ‘Let us represent Jesus as He really is in our world by a Lion in Narnia’: I said ‘Let us suppose that there were a land like Narnia and that the Son of God, as He became a Man in our world, became a Lion there, and then imagine what would happen.’ If you think about it, you will see that it is quite a different thing.

So the answer to your first two questions is that Reepicheep and Nick-a-brick don’t, in that sense, represent anyone. But of course anyone in our world who devotes his whole life to seeking Heaven will be like R., and anyone who wants some worldly thing so badly that he is ready to use wicked means to get it will be likely to behave like N.

Yes, Reepicheep did get to Aslan’s country. And Caspian did return safely: it says so on the last page of the Dawn Treader. Eustace did get back to Narnia, as you will find when you read The Silver Chair. As for who reigns in Narnia to-day, you won’t know till you have had the seventh and last book.

I’m tall, fat, rather bald, red-faced, double-chinned, black-haired, have a deep voice, and wear glasses for reading.

The only way for us to Aslan’s country is through death, as far as I know: perhaps some very good people get just a tiny glimpse before then.

Best love to you all. When you say your prayers sometimes ask God to bless me.

Yours ever,

C.S. Lewis

TO MRS HOOK

Magdalen College, Oxford.
29 Dec 1958

Dear Mrs Hook

By an allegory I mean a composition (whether pictorial or literary) in wh. immaterial realities are represented by feigned physical objects e.g. a pictured Cupid allegorically represents erotic love (which in reality is an experience, not an object occupying a given area of space) or, in Bunyan, a giant represents Despair.[1]

If Aslan represented the immaterial Deity in the same way in which Giant Despair represents Despair, he would be an allegorical figure. In reality however he is an invention giving an imaginary answer to the question, ‘What might Christ become like if there really were a world like Narnia and He chose to be incarnate and die and rise again in that world as He actually has done in ours?’ This is not an allegory at all. So in ‘Perelandra’. This also works out a supposition. (‘Suppose, even now, in some other planet there were a first couple undergoing the same that Adam and Eve underwent here, but successfully.’)

Allegory and such supposals differ because they mix the real and the unreal in different ways. Bunyan’s picture of Giant Despair does not start from supposal at all. It is not a supposition but a fact that despair can capture and imprison a human soul. What is unreal (fictional) is the giant, the castle, and the dungeon. The Incarnation of Christ in another world is mere supposal: but granted the supposition, He would really have been a physical object in that world as He was in Palestine and His death on the Stone Table would have been a physical event no less than his death on Calvary.

Similarly, if the angels (who I believe to be real beings in the actual universe) have that relation to the Pagan gods which they are assumed to have in Perelandra, they might really manifest themselves in real form as they did to Ransom.

Again, Ransom (to some extent) plays the role of Christ not because he allegorically represents him (as Cupid represents falling in love) but because in reality every real Christian is really called upon in some measure to enact Christ. Of course Ransom does this rather more spectacularly than most. But that does not mean that he does it allegorically. It only means that fiction (at any rate my kind of fiction) chooses extreme cases.

There is no conscious connection between any of the phonetic elements in my ‘Old Solar’ words and those of any actual language. I am always playing with syllables and fitting them together (purely by ear) to see if I can hatch up new words that please me. I want them to have an emotional, not intellectual, suggestiveness: the heaviness of glund for as huge a planet as Jupiter, the vibrating, tintillating quality of viritrilbia for the subtlety of Mercury, the liquidity (as I thought) of Maleldil. The only exception I am aware of is hnau[2] which may (but I don’t know) have been influenced by Greek nous.

Thank you for the kind things you say about my other works.

Yours sincerely

C. S. Lewis


[1] Bunyan, The Pilgrim’s Progress, First Part, p. 113.

[2] This is the Old Solar word used in Out of the Silent Planet, ch. 11, p. 68, meaning ‘rational creatures’, such as humans and the three rational animal species on Malachandra.

HILA

[One of C. S. Lewis’s early fan letters on The Chronicles of Narnia came from the United States. Hila was eleven years old when she wrote this letter, complete with a watercolor painting that she had done of all the characters in The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe. Her first reading of this story was three years earlier, when she experienced what she described years later as “an indefinable stirring and longing.”

At the time this letter was written, The Lion, the Witch and the Wardrobe (1950), Prince Caspian (1951), and The Voyage of the “Dawn Treader” (1952) were the only books published; The Silver Chair would appear later in 1953. However, Lewis had actually finished writing all seven volumes a year earlier, in 1952.]

June 3rd, 1953

Dear [Hila],

Thank you so much for your lovely letter and pictures. I realised at once that the coloured one was not a particular scene but a sort of line-up like what you would have at the very end if it was a play instead of stories. The Voyage of the “Dawn Treader” is not to be the last: There are to be 4 more, 7 in all. Didn’t you notice that Aslan said nothing about Eustace not going back? I thought the best of your pictures was the one of Mr. Tumnus at the bottom of the letter. As to Aslan’s other name, well I want you to guess. Has there never been anyone in this world who (1.) Arrived at the same time as Father Christmas. (2.) Said he was the son of the Great Emperor. (3.) Gave himself up for someone else’s fault to be jeered at and killed by wicked people. (4.) Came to life again. (5.) Is sometimes spoken of as a Lamb (see the end of the Dawn Treader). Don’t you really know His name in this world. Think it over and let me know your answer!

Reepicheep in your coloured picture has just the right perky, cheeky expression. I love real mice. There are lots in my rooms in College but I have never set a trap. When I sit up late working they poke their heads out from behind the curtains just as if they were saying, “Hi! Time for you to go to bed. We want to come out and play.”

All good wishes,

Yours ever,

C. S. Lewis

[6 May 1955]

Dear Mrs. K . . . ,

Tell Laurence from me, with my love:

1/ Even if he was loving Aslan more than Jesus (I’ll explain in a moment why he can’t really be doing this) he would not be an idol-worshipper. If he was an idol-worshipper he’d be doing it on purpose, whereas he’s now doing it because he can’t help doing it, and trying hard not to do it. But God knows quite well how hard we find it to love Him more than anyone or anything else, and He won’t be angry with us as long as we are trying. And He will help us.

2/ But Laurence can’t really love Aslan more than Jesus, even if he feels that’s what he is doing. For the things he loves Aslan for doing or saying are simply the things Jesus really did and said. So that when Laurence thinks he is loving Aslan, he is really loving Jesus: and perhaps loving Him more than he ever did before. Of course there is one thing Aslan has that Jesus has not—I mean, the body of a lion. (But remember, if there are other worlds and they need to be saved and Christ were to save them as He would—He may really have taken all sorts of bodies in them which we don’t know about.) Now if Laurence is bothered because he finds the lion-body seems nicer to him than the man-body, I don’t think he need be bothered at all. God knows all about the way a little boy’s imagination works (He made it, after all) and knows that at a certain age the idea of talking and friendly animals is very attractive. So I don’t think He minds if Laurence likes the Lion-body. And anyway, Laurence will find as he grows older that feeling (liking the lion-body better) will die away of itself, without his taking any trouble about it. So he needn’t bother.

3/ If I were Laurence I’d just say in my prayers something like this: “Dear God, if the things I’ve been thinking and feeling about those books are things You don’t like and are bad for me, please take away those feelings and thoughts. But if they are not bad, then please stop me from worrying about them. And help me every day to love you more in the way that really matters far more than any feelings or imaginations, by doing what you want and growing more like you.” That is the sort of thing I think Laurence should say for himself; but it would be kind and Christian-like if he then added, “And if Mr. Lewis has worried any other children by his books or done them any harm, then please forgive him and help him never to do it again.”

Will this help? I am terribly sorry to have caused such trouble, and would take it as a great favor if you would write again and tell me how Laurence goes on. I shall of course have him daily in my prayers. He must be a corker of a boy: I hope you are prepared for the possibility he might turn out a saint. I daresay the saints’ mothers have, in some ways, a rough time!

Yours sincerely,

C. S. Lewis


Priestesses in the Church?
Chapter 11 (PDF) from “God in the Dock”, by C. S. Lewis


“I should like balls infinitely better,” said Caroline Bingley, “if they were carried on in a different manner . . . It would surely be much more rational if conversation instead of dancing made the order of the day.” “Much more rational, I dare say,” replied her brother, “but it would not be near so much like a Ball.”1 We are told that the lady was silenced: yet it could be maintained that Jane Austen has not allowed Bingley to put forward the full strength of his position. He ought to have replied with a distinguo. In one sense conversation is more rational for conversation may exercise the reason alone, dancing does not. But there is nothing irrational in exercising other powers than our reason. On certain occasions and for certain purposes the real irrationality is with those who will not do so. The man who would try to break a horse or write a poem or beget a child by pure syllogizing would be an irrational man; though at the same time syllogizing is in itself a more rational activity than the activities demanded by these achievements. It is rational not to reason, or not to limit oneself to reason, in the wrong place; and the more rational a man is the better he knows this.

These remarks are not intended as a contribution to the criticism of Pride and Prejudice. They came into my head when I heard that the Church of England2 was being advised to declare women capable of Priests’ Orders. I am, indeed, informed that such a proposal is very unlikely to be seriously considered by the authorities. To take such a revolutionary step at the present moment, to cut ourselves off from the Christian past and to widen the divisions between ourselves and other Churches by establishing an order of priestesses in our midst, would be an almost wanton degree of imprudence. And the Church of England herself would be torn in shreds by the operation. My concern with the proposal is of a more theoretical kind. The question involves something even deeper than a revolution in order.I have every respect for those who wish women to be priestesses. I think they are sincere and pious and sensible people. Indeed, in a way they are too sensible. That is where my dissent from them resembles Bingley’s dissent from his sister. I am tempted to say that the proposed arrangement would make us much more rational “but not near so much like a Church.”

For at first sight all the rationality (in Caroline Bingley’s sense) is on the side of the innovators. We are short of priests. We have discovered in one profession after another that women can do very well all sorts of things which were once supposed to be in the power of men alone. No one among those who dislike the proposal is maintaining that women are less capable than men of piety, zeal, learning and whatever else seems necessary for the pastoral office. What, then, except prejudice begotten by tradition, forbids us to draw on the huge reserves which could pour into the priesthood if women were here, as in so many other professions, put on the same footing as men? And against this flood of common sense, the opposers (many of them women) can produce at first nothing but an inarticulate distaste, a sense of discomfort which they themselves find it hard to analyse.

That this reaction does not spring from any contempt for women is, I think, plain from history. The Middle Ages carried their reverence for one Woman to a point at which the charge could be plausibly made that the Blessed Virgin became in their eyes almost “a fourth Person of the Trinity.” But never, so far as I know, in all those ages was anything remotely resembling a sacerdotal office attributed to her. All salvation depends on the decision which she made in the words Ecce ancilla,3 she is united in nine months’ inconceivable intimacy with the eternal Word; she stands at the foot of the cross.4 But she is absent both from the Last Supper5 and from the descent of the Spirit at Pentecost.6 Such is the record of Scripture. Nor can you daff it aside by saying that local and temporary conditions condemned women to silence and private life. There were female preachers. One man had four daughters who all “prophesied,” i.e. preached.7 There were prophetesses even in Old Testament times. Prophetesses, not priestesses.

At this point the common sensible reformer is apt to ask why, if women can preach, they cannot do all the rest of a priest’s work. This question deepens the discomfort of my side. We begin to feel that what really divides us from our opponents is a difference between the meaning which they and we give to the word “priest.” The more they speak (and speak truly) about the competence of women in administration, their tact and sympathy as advisers, their national talent for “visiting,” the more we feel that the central thing is being forgotten. To us a priest is primarily a representative, a double representative, who represents us to God and God to us. Our very eyes teach us this in church. Sometimes the priest turns his back on us and faces the East—he speaks to God for us: sometimes he faces us and speaks to us for God. We have no objection to a woman doing the first: the whole difficulty is about the second. But why? Why should a woman not in this sense represent God? Certainly not because she is necessarily, or even probably, less holy or less charitable or stupider than a man. In that sense she may be as “God-like” as a man; and a given women much more so than a given man. The sense in which she cannot represent God will perhaps be plainer if we look at the thing the other way round.

Suppose the reformer stops saying that a good woman may be like God and begins saying that God is like a good woman. Suppose he says that we might just as well pray to “Our Mother which art in heaven” as to “Our Father.” Suppose he suggests that the Incarnation might just as well have taken a female as a male form, and the Second Person of the Trinity be as well called the Daughter as the Son. Suppose, finally, that the mystical marriage were reversed, that the Church were the Bridegroom and Christ the Bride. All this, as it seems to me, is involved in the claim that a woman can represent God as a priest does.

Now it is surely the case that if all these supposals were ever carried into effect we should be embarked on a different religion. Goddesses have, of course, been worshipped: many religions have had priestesses. But they are religions quite different in character from Christianity. Common sense, disregarding the discomfort, or even the horror, which the idea of turning all our theological language into the feminine gender arouses in most Christians, will ask “Why not? Since God is in fact not a biological being and has no sex, what can it matter whether we say He or She, Father or Mother, Son or Daughter?”

But Christians think that God Himself has taught us how to speak of Him. To say that it does not matter is to say either that all the masculine imagery is not inspired, is merely human in origin, or else that, though inspired, it is quite arbitrary and unessential. And this is surely intolerable: or, if tolerable, it is an argument not in favour of Christian priestesses but against Christianity. It is also surely based on a shallow view of imagery. Without drawing upon religion, we know from our poetical experience that image and apprehension cleave closer together than common sense is here prepared to admit; that a child who has been taught to pray to a Mother in Heaven would have a religious life radically different from that of a Christian child. And as image and apprehension are in an organic unity, so, for a Christian, are human body and human soul.

The innovators are really implying that sex is something superficial, irrelevant to the spiritual life. To say that men and women are equally eligible for a certain profession is to say that for the purposes of that profession their sex is irrelevant. We are, within that context, treating both as neuters. As the State grows more like a hive or an ant-hill it needs an increasing number of workers who can be treated as neuters. This may be inevitable for our secular life. But in our Christian life we must return to reality. There we are not homogeneous units, but different and complementary organs of a mystical body. Lady Nunburnholme has claimed that the equality of men and women is a Christian principle.8 I do not remember the text in scripture nor the Fathers, nor Hooker, nor the Prayer Book which asserts it; but that is not here my point. The point is that unless “equal” means “interchangeable,” equality makes nothing for the priesthood of women. And the kind of equality which implies that the equals are interchangeable (like counters or identical machines) is, among humans, a legal fiction. It may be a useful legal fiction. But in church we turn our back on fictions. One of the ends for which sex was created was to symbolize to us the hidden things of God. One of the functions of human marriage is to express the nature of the union between Christ and the Church. We have no authority to take the living and semitive figures which God has painted on the canvas of our nature and shift them about as if they were mere geometrical figures.

This is what common sense will call “mystical.” Exactly. The Church claims to be the bearer of a revelation. If that claim is false then we want not to make priestesses but to abolish priests. If it is true, then we should expect to find in the Church an element which unbelievers will call irrational and which believers will call supra-rational. There ought to be something in it opaque to our reason though not contrary to it—as the facts of sex and sense on the natural level are opaque. And that is the real issue. The Church of England can remain a church only if she retains this opaque element. If we abandon that, if we retain only what can be justified by standards of prudence and convenience at the bar of enlightened common sense, then we exchange revelation for that old wraith Natural Religion.

It is painful, being a man, to have to assert the privilege, or the burden, which Christianity lays upon my own sex. I am crushingly aware how inadequate most of us are, in our actual and historical individualities, to fill the place prepared for us. But it is an old saying in the army that you salute the uniform not the wearer. Only one wearing the masculine uniform can (provisionally, and till the Parousia)9 represent the Lord to the Church: for we are all, corporately and individually, feminine to Him. We men may often make very bad priests. That is because we are insufficiently masculine. It is no cure to call in those who are not masculine at all. A given man may make a very bad husband; you cannot mend matters by trying to reverse the roles. He may make a bad male partner in a dance. The cure for that is that men should more diligently attend dancing classes; not that the ballroom should henceforward ignore distinctions of sex and treat all dancers as neuter. That would, of course, be eminently sensible, civilized, and enlightened, but, once more, “not near so much like a Ball.”

And this parallel between the Church and the Ball is not so fanciful as some would think. The Church ought to be more like a Ball than it is like a factory or a political party. Or, to speak more strictly, they are at the circumference and the Church at the Centre and the Ball comes in between. The factory and the political party are artificial creations—“a breath can make them as a breath has made.” In them we are not dealing with human beings in their concrete entirety—only with “hands” or voters. I am not of course using “artificial” in any derogatory sense. Such artifices are necessary: but because they are our artifices we are free to shuffle, scrap and experiment as we please. But the Ball exists to stylize something which is natural and which concerns human beings in their entirety—namely, courtship. We cannot shuffle or tamper so much. With the Church, we are farther in: for there we are dealing with male and female not merely as facts of nature but as the live and awful shadows of realities utterly beyond our control and largely beyond our direct knowledge. Or rather, we are not dealing with them but (as we shall soon learn if we meddle) they are dealing with us.

NOTES

1 Pride and Prejudice, ch. xi.

2 Called the Episcopal Church in the United States.

3 After being told by the angel Gabriel that she has found favour with God and that she should bear the Christ Child, the Virgin exclaims “Behold the handmaid of the Lord” (Luke i. 38). The Magnificat follows in verses 46–55.

4 Matthew xxvii. 55–6; Mark xv. 40–1; Luke xxiii. 49; John xix. 25.

5 Matthew xxvi. 26; Mark xiv. 22; Luke xxii. 19.

6 Acts ii. 1 et seq.

7 Acts xxi. 9.

8 Lady Marjorie Nunburnholme, “A Petition to the Lambeth Conference,” Time and Tide, vol. XXIX, No. 28 (10 July 1948), p. 720.

9 The future return of Christ in glory to judge the living and the dead.