15a καὶ ἐδόθη αὐτῷ δοῦναι πνεῦμα τῇ εἰκόνι τοῦ θηρίου, “It was permitted to give life to the cult image of the beast.” This reflects the world of ancient magic in which the animation of images of the gods was an important means for securing oracles. The general Greek view was that images of the gods were not the actual gods themselves but only reminiscent of them (Cicero De nat. deor. 2.17; Dio Chrysostom Or. 12.60–61; Origen Contra Celsum 7.62). According to Heraclitus, people who approach lifeless things as gods act like a man who holds conversations with houses; they have no idea of the nature of gods or heroes (H. Diels and W. Kranz, Die Fragmente der Vorsokratiker, 6th ed. [Zürich; Hildesheim: Weidmann, 1951] 1:151–52 [Herakleitos, frag. B5]). Plato reflects this view: “we set up statues as images, and we believe that when we worship these, lifeless though they be [ἀψύχους], the living gods [τοὺς ἐμψύχους] beyond feel great good-will towards us and gratitude” (Laws 11.931A; LCL tr.). While ceremonies were used to consecrate cult images (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Ant. Rom. 8.56.2; Minucius Felix Octavius 23; the term for dedication is often ἱδρύειν; see Dio Chrysostom Or. 12.84), there is no evidence that the ancient Greeks used magical rituals for the purpose of giving life to such images (E. Bevan, Holy Images: An Inquiry into Idolatry and Image-Worship in Ancient Paganism and in Christianity [London: Allen & Unwin, 1940] 32; Burkert, Greek Religion, 91). The popular view in the Hellenistic and Roman world, however, was that the gods inhabited their statues (Plutarch De Iside et Osiride 379C–D; MacMullen, Paganism, 59–60).
There were many reports in the ancient world of statues turning (Dio Cassius 41.61; 54.7), sweating (Cicero, De div. 1.43.98; Plutarch Cor. 38.1; Anton. 60), weeping (Augustine Civ. dei 3.11), or speaking (Dionysius of Halicarnassus Ant. Rom. 8.56.2); several similar stories are collected in Plutarch De pyth. orac. 397E–398B; see C. Clarc, Les théories relatives au Culte des Images chez les auteurs grecs du iime siècle aprés J.-C. (Paris: Fontemoing, 1915) 45–49, and O. Weinreich, Antike Heilungswunder (Giessen: Töpelmann, 1909) 146. This popular view has links with the doctrine of ἔμψυχα ἀγάλματα, “animate images,” which was held by some Neoplatonists (such as Porphyry and Iambichus) and which is reflected in some of the Hermetic literature. Magical rituals for achieving animation are preserved in the magical papyri (see PGM XII.14–95; Hopfner, Offenbarungszauber 2:210–18). Christians such as Minucius Felix were convinced that unclean spirits concealed themselves inside cult images and were able to give oracles (Octavius 27). Much earlier, Babylonians had rituals intended to give life to statues of the gods (A. L. Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia [Chicago: University of Chicago, 1964] 186). In ancient Egypt, beginning at an even earlier period, statues of the gods were vitalized through a ceremony of “opening the mouth” (Morenz, Egyptian Religion, 155–56; E. Otto, Das altägyptische Mundöffnungsritual [Wiesbaden, 1960]). Magical animation rituals were also performed on mummies (E. A. W. Budge, Egyptian Magic [New York: Dover, 1971] 201–3). The magical rituals for animating images of the gods in Egypt probably influenced that special branch of magic called theurgy, connected with Julian the Theurgist (the putative author of the Chaldean Oracles; see R. Majercik, The Chaldean Oracles: Text, Translation, and Commentary [Leiden: Brill, 1989] 1–5).
Theurgists developed a special complex of rituals called τελεστική (also called ἡ θεουργικὴ τέχνη by Iamblichus De myst. 5.23), which was primarily concerned with the consecration and animation of statues in order to receive oracles from them (Proclus In Tim. 3.6.13; Asclepius 3.37; see H. Lewy, Chaldaean Oracles and Theurgy [Paris: Études Augustiniennes, 1978] 495–96; E. R. Dodds, “Theurgy,” Appendix II in The Greeks and the Irrational [Berkeley: University of California, 1951] 291–95). τελεστική apparently involved placing a selection of σύμβολα (various materia magica such as stones, herbs, animals, and scents) within the cavity of a statue for the purpose of establishing a sympathetic relationship with the god (Iamblichus De myst. 5.23; Asclepius 3.38; Chaldaean Oracles frag. 224). Images of the gods could thus be animated by placing those material elements that had a “sympathetic” connection with the deity inside the image, and with the prompting of a consecration ritual, the divinity could be persuaded to appear and answer oracular inquiries put to him or her by the theurgist (see Majercik, Chaldean Oracles, 27). This procedure is reflected in the Hermetic treatise Asclepius 3.38 (tr. W. Scott, Hermetica 1:361):
And these gods who are called “terrestrial,” Trismegistus, by what means are they induced to take up their abode among us? They are induced, Asclepius, by means of herbs and stones and scents which have in them something divine.
The doctrine of ἔμψυχα ἀγάλματα is also found in Asclepius 3.23B, “But the gods whose shapes are fashioned by mankind are made of both substances, that is, of the divine substance, which is purer and far nobler, and the substance which is lower than man, namely, the material of which they are wrought” (tr. W. Scott, Hermetica 1:339). When Asclepius doubts that Trismegistus is referring to statues, the god replies (3.24a; W. Scott, Hermetica 1:339–41):
I mean statues, but statues living and conscious, filled with the breath of life [statuas animatas sensu et spiritu plenas], and doing many mighty works; statues which have foreknowledge, and predict future events by the drawing of lots, and by prophetic inspiration, and by dreams and in many other ways; statues which inflict diseases and heal them, dispensing sorrow and joy according to men’s deserts.
The motif of statues coming to life occurs in Greek mythology; Ovid, for example, tells the story of Pygmalion, whose love turned an ivory statue named Galatea into a living woman (Metamorphoses 10.243–97).
15b ἵνα καὶ λαλήσῃ ἡ εἰκὼν τοῦ θηρίου, “that the cult image of the beast might speak.” For the ancients, a statue that speaks is a statue that gives oracles. The Cynic philosopher Oenomaeus of Gadara (fl. a.d. 120), skeptical of oracles, wrote a lost work entitled Γοήτων φώρα, “On the Detection of Charlatans,” preserved in fragmentary quotations in Eusebius, who summarizes his views (Praep. evang. 5.21.213c; Eusebius, Preparation for the Gospel, tr. E. H. Gifford [Oxford: Clarendon, 1903]):
For he [Oenomaus] will not admit that the oracles which are admired among all the Greeks proceed from a daemon, much less from a god, but says that they are frauds and tricks of human imposters, cunningly contrived to deceive the multitude.
Alexander of Abonuteichos was presented by Lucian (hardly an objective reporter) as a charlatan who constructed a serpentine image representing Glaucon-Asklepios, complete with a movable mouth and concealed speaking tubes for giving oracles (Alex. 12–26). Similarly, Hippolytus describes a “talking skull” rigged up by combining a human skull with a windpipe of a crane to function as a speaking tube (Ref. 4.41). Other reports also mention talking statues (Suetonius Gaius 57.1; Ps.-Lucian De Syria Dea 10). According to Athenagoras (Legatio 26.3–4), statues of Nerullinus in Tralles and Peregrinus Proteus at Parium reportedly gave oracles (though whether such oracles were based on the interpretation of the “behavior” of the statues, such as movement, sweating, etc., or were thought to be communicated in human language is not mentioned; the former is more probable than the latter); see Nilsson, GGR 2:525. There is no evidence that imperial cult images were believed to actually give oracles, however. A close parallel to Rev 13:15 is found in the Oracle of Hystaspes (Lactantius Div. Inst. 7.17.5; tr. McDonald, Lactantius, 518): “He [a king from Syria] will order fire to descend from heaven, and the sun to stand still in its course and a statue to speak [imaginem loqui].” Plutarch reports that when a certain statue was set up in a temple, it spoke twice (Coriolanus 37.3). Plutarch, however, ever the rationalist, thought that articular speech from a lifeless object was impossible (Coriolanus 38.2). The third wonder, making a statue speak, was part of the repertoire of ancient magicians.
Religious fraud was not unknown in the ancient world. Scherrer (JBL 103 [1984] 601–10) has argued that “special effects equipment” were used to produce speaking and moving statues as well as simulated thunder and lightning in the imperial cult. Athenaeus reports a moving image (Deipn. 5.198F). Simon Magus reportedly tells Peter statuas moveri feci, animavi exanima, “I made statues move; I gave breath to inanimate objects” (Ps.-Clem. Recog. 3.47.2; cf. Ps.-Clem. Hom. 2.32). Theophilus Ad Autolycum 1.8, speaking to pagans, observes “you believe that statues [ἀγάλματα] made by men are gods and work miracles.” According to Philostratus, Vita Apoll. 1.27, a satrap in charge of the gates of Babylon required that everyone who entered the city first worship a golden image (χρυσῆν εἰκόνα) of the king, though this requirement was not made of emissaries from the Roman emperor, and Apollonius himself also refused to perform this ritual (1.28).
15c καὶ ποιήσῃ ὅσοι ἐὰν μὴ προσκυνήσωσιν τῇ εἰκόνι τοῦ θηρίου ἀποκτανθῶσιν, “and cause whoever did not worship the cult image of the beast to be executed.” The subject of the aorist subjunctive ποιήσῃ, “he might cause,” is ambiguous. Since it is parallel to λαλήσῃ, “he might speak,” in v 15b, the subject of which is ἡ εἰκών, “the cult statue,” it is logical to understand ἡ εἰκών as the subject of ποιήσῃ so that it is the speaking statue who causes those who refuse it worship to be executed. It is possible, however, that the logical subject of ποιήσῃ is the second beast, acting on behalf of the first beast, who orders the executions. The execution of those who resist appears to be a doublet of v 7, in which it is said that the first beast made war on the saints and conquered them. Philo claims that the emperor Gaius organized “a great and truceless war” against the Jews for refusing to worship him (Leg. 119), though the historicity of this claim is doubtful (Bilde, ST 32 [1978] 72–73). Here the image of the beast is apparently given exclusive worship, though this is not characteristic of either Greek or Roman religious protocol.
According to some scholars, allegiance to Rome meant the worship of Caesar (Syme, Tacitus 2:469). Yet the primary issue reflected in the sources is not simply sacrificing to the emperor (strictly speaking the living emperor was not a divus, “god,” until he was officially enrolled with the gods after his death by an act of the Senate, though two emperors, Gaius and Domitian, apparently claimed to be gods during their lifetime; see Comment on 4:11) but sacrificing to the gods (Pliny Ep. 10.97.1; Acts Carpus [Greek Rec.] 4; Mart. Fruct. 2.2; Mart. Justin 5.8). Yet toward the end of the second century a.d. Tertullian observed that the twin charges against Christians were that they did not worship the gods and they did not sacrifice on behalf of the emperors (pro imperatoribus; Apol. 10.1). The problem is understanding what is involved in the term προσκυνεῖν, “worship.” Did this involve compulsory sacrificing to the emperor along with the other gods? In Pliny Ep. 10.96.5 (LCL tr.), the sincerity of apostate Christians was tested only by requiring that they sacrifice to the gods:
Among these [i.e., those denounced as Christians] I considered that I should dismiss any who denied that they were or ever had been Christians when they had repeated after me a formula of invocation to the gods and had made offerings of wine and incense to your statue (which I had ordered to be brought into court for this purpose along with the images of the gods), and furthermore had reviled the name of Christ: none of which things, I understand, any genuine Christian can be induced to do.
The execution of Christians or Jews in connection with their rejection of the eschatological antagonist is reflected in Apoc. Pet. 2, where it is said that when the deceiver (who is not the Christ) is rejected, he will kill many with the sword.
David E. Aune, Revelation 6–16, vol. 52B, Word Biblical Commentary (Dallas: Word, Incorporated, 1998), 762–765.